来源：　作者: 刘勇　　　《华盛顿观察》2010年第23期 　

     当全场灯光熄灭的时候，一朵炫目的蘑菇云在屏幕中间出现，随着核弹的冲击波，我们熟悉的世界正在一点点消失……。片长98分钟的纪录片《倒数至零》（Countdown to Zero）以极具震撼力的画面开场，为观众展示了核武器带给人类的巨大威胁。

    核恐怖主义、核扩散、核事故，当这些人们并不熟悉的字眼从屏幕上依次飞过的时候，美国前总统卡特、苏联前总统戈尔巴乔夫、英国前首相布莱尔、巴基斯坦前总统穆沙拉夫，这些曾经手握核按钮的政治家们用自己的话语向观众传递着“零核”的信念；在影片中，负责追踪核走私的美国前情报官员和负责发射核弹的美国前核导弹控制军官用自己的亲身经历，为观众展现一次核恐怖主义活动或者一场核事故将带给人类何种结局。在影片中，一个网球缓缓滚过大都市上空，让观众形象体会到只要网球大小的浓缩铀就可以毁灭掉一个上千万人口的都市。

    《倒数至零》还展现了原子弹之父奥本海默博士的珍贵影像。在这段拍摄于60多年前的影像中，奥本海默承认，核武器会扩散，人类会被其反噬。虽然这段话已为人们所熟悉，但奥本海默说这番话时那悲伤的眼神会铭刻在你的脑海中，挥之难去，迫你深思，核武的悲剧何时能够终结？这就是影片的独特魅力：通过真实的影像让你对核武器威胁感同身受。

    作为“全球零核倡议”（Global Zero）活动的一部分，《倒数至零》在2010年7月23日开始陆续在美国各大城市公映。“全球零核倡议”联络人、世界安全研究所总裁布鲁斯·布莱尔博士对《华盛顿观察周刊》说，“这部影片已经在美国25个主要城市上映，在接下来的两个月中，还将在更多美国城市上映。同时，美国的历史频道也将在今年秋季播出这部影片。预计《倒数至零》的美国观众数目将达到数百万人”。

    在布鲁斯·布莱尔博士看来，更为重要的是，关于这部影片的报道和影评将让更多美国人了解到“全球零核倡议”，知道“根除所有核武器”的必要性。

    《倒数至零》的制片人班德虽然以其制作的《心灵捕手》（Good Will Hunting）、几乎所有昆汀·塔伦蒂诺导演的片子以及《无耻的混蛋》 (Inglorious Bastards)而震撼好莱坞，但是带给他个人极大声誉的却是荣获奥斯卡最佳纪录片奖的《难以忽视的真相》。他在接受采访时说，“我亲眼目睹了电影在教育、启发民众参与社会运动方面的影响力。《倒数至零》是一部更加扣人心弦的影片，同时也为人类敲响了警钟，将唤起人们关注核扩散、核恐怖主义和核事故的核威胁” 。

    在华盛顿的E街影院，当《倒数至零》放映结束之时，全场观众为影片献上了掌声。劳伦是一位曾经参加过越战的老兵，他对《华盛顿观察周刊》表示，这部电影让他重温了战场的危险，核扩散对于美国的危险要远远大于当年冷战时美国面临的安全威胁。观看影片的还有很多年轻的观众。肖是在乔治敦大学就读的一名学生，他在接受《华盛顿观察周刊》采访时说，“这是一部让人震撼的影片，之前，我从来没有考虑过核武器对自己生活的威胁。我会将这部影片和全球零核运动介绍给我的朋友”。

    “全球零核倡议”联络人布鲁斯·布莱尔博士对《华盛顿观察》周刊指出，现在的年轻人出生于冷战以后，对于冷战遗留给美国和俄罗斯的2.2万件核武器并不了解。但是他相信这些美国的年轻人会响应奥巴马总统的号召，致力于在这个世界中根除核武器。

    当《倒数至零》在美国各个城市热映之时，美国参议院也正在审议奥巴马和梅德韦杰夫签署的新的《削减进攻性战略武器条约》。根据这个条约，美俄将大幅削减各自的核武库。布鲁斯·布莱尔博士介绍说，“新条约将于9月15号左右，先在参议院外交关系委员会投票表决，克里参议员已经表示，一旦外交关系委员会通过这个条约，将立即争取整个参议院的表决。 不过，由于面临11月的中期选举，对条约的表决也有可能推迟到明年。因为选举后，到明年新一届参议员就任这个期间，很难再对条约进行表决。” 对于《倒数至零》对于条约获得国会批准的推动作用，布鲁斯·布莱尔博士坦承，“我相信，这部影片将有助于（更多美国人）支持应该立即行动减少核武库，降低核武器带来的风险”。

    当《倒数至零》在联合国特别放映之时，联合国秘书长潘基文在观看影片后也表示，“核武器导致的危险是明确和现实的。这部纪录片以充满激情和震撼力的方式向我们传达了这一信息，它同时也让我们看到了全球零核运动的力量”。

    在启动两年后，“全球零核倡议”已经提出了削减核武器至零的具体行动方案。目前，“全球零核”正在各个主要国家内，根据自身的情况，让更多公众参与进来。作为“全球零核倡议”联络人，布鲁斯·布莱尔博士向《华盛顿观察》介绍了全球零核的下一步计划，“全球零核正在通过学生组织，吸引更多年轻人加入进来。与此同时，也正在计划举办全球零核领导人和各国官员之间的高规格对话。在2011年，全球零核还将举办一次世界峰会”。

    布鲁斯·布莱尔博士对中国的核政策表示了赞许。他认为，中国对核武器坚持“不首先使用”的原则，同时中国的核武一直坚持“小规模核武库”、“高度安全的储备”和“较低的发射准备状态”，这些都有利于世界安全。他也希望中国能在“全球零核”中起到更为积极的作用。在实现“全球零核”的下一步行动中，削减核武器谈判必然由美俄双边转入多边阶段。在这一阶段，中国应该起到更重要的领导作用。没有中国的参与，任何根除核武的举动都不会成功。

刘勇，《华盛顿观察》2010年第23期，8/13/2010

作者：李连雯　　　《华盛顿观察》2010年第22期 　

      美国总统奥巴马不仅在国内的民调中支持率骤减，一次新的民意调查显示，世界各地的穆斯林表示对美国总统奥巴马的信任度正在下降。奥巴马把和穆斯林加强接触作为一项首要任务。

      设在美国的皮尤研究中心星期四发表的报告显示，在土耳其、埃及、黎巴嫩、约旦、印尼、巴基斯坦和尼日利亚这七个穆斯林国家里，民众对奥巴马的信任度下降。

      埃及民众对奥巴马的信任度下降了10％。他去年曾在埃及向穆斯林世界发表演讲，今年有31％的埃及穆斯林表示信任奥巴马。土耳其对奥巴马的信任度也面临10％下降，今年土耳其有23％的穆斯林表示信任奥巴马。在黎巴嫩，接受调查的穆斯林中有35％的人对奥巴马表示信任，而一年前的信任度是45％。

      在尼日利亚和印尼， 尽管对这位美国总统的信任度下降了几个百分点，但是他在这两个国家里仍然享有威望。奥巴马儿童时代曾在印尼生活过几年。

    华盛顿时间5月27日，美国总统奥巴马签署文件，正式发布了2010年美国的国家安全战略报告。

   这一国家安全战略报告描述了美国总体的国家安全战略观，提出了不少不同于布什政府的新思想。其中比较突出的是奥巴马政府放弃了反恐战争的提法，并强调在处理国际事务时将以国际合作为重点手段，武力只是最后的选择。

   事实上，自从布什政府提出反恐战争的概念以来，这一说法就不断遭受美国学术界的广泛批评。许多学者指出，如果把反恐当作一场战争来打的话，那么这场战争将永远没有结束的时刻。因为恐怖主义是一种社会历史现象，它是不可能消失的。比如，即使美国消灭了基地组织和塔利班，它也不能说它取得了反恐战争的胜利，因为还会有别的恐怖组织产生，也还会有别的恐怖袭击发生。从这种意义上讲，反恐战争是不可能取胜的。这就有点像各国对刑事犯罪的打击，这种打击和防范是一种常态，它是没有终点的，因此也就不可能有什么取得了胜利的说法。

   以下是奥巴马政府2010年美国国家安全战略报告的全文及下载地址：

May 2010
NAT IONAL SECUR IT Y STR ATEGY

Table of Contents
I. Overview of National Security Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
II. Strategic Approach .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .    .    .    .    .   7
The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .   9
Building Our Foundation .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .   9
Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 14
III. Advancing Our Interests .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .    .    . 17
Security .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 17
Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Affiliates in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 19
Use of Force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear Materials . . . 23
Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East . . . . . . . . . 24
Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Secure Cyberspace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Prosperity .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 28
Strengthen Education and Human Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 31
Accelerate Sustainable Development .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 33
Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Strengthen the Power of Our Example . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 37
Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
International Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Ensure Strong Alliances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Influence . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Strengthen Institutions and Mechanisms for Cooperation .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 46
Sustain Broad Cooperation on Key Global Challenges .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 47
IV. Conclusion .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 51
★ 1 ★
I. Overview of National Security Strategy
At the dawn of the 21st century, the United States of America faces a broad and complex array of challenges
to our national security. Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century,
we must now build the sources of American strength and influence, and shape an international order
capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.
The World as It Is, A Strategy for the World We Seek
To succeed, we must face the world as it is. The two decades since the end of the Cold War have been
marked by both the promise and perils of change. The circle of peaceful democracies has expanded; the
specter of nuclear war has lifted; major powers are at peace; the global economy has grown; commerce
has stitched the fate of nations together; and more individuals can determine their own destiny. Yet these
advances have been accompanied by persistent problems. Wars over ideology have given way to wars
over religious, ethnic, and tribal identity; nuclear dangers have proliferated; inequality and economic
instability have intensified; damage to our environment, food insecurity, and dangers to public health
are increasingly shared; and the same tools that empower individuals to build enable them to destroy.
The dark side of this globalized world came to the forefront for the American people on September
11, 2001. The immediate threat demonstrated by the deadliest attacks ever launched upon American
soil demanded strong and durable approaches to defend our homeland. In the years since, we have
launched a war against al-Qa’ida and its affiliates, decided to fight a war in Iraq, and confronted a sweeping
economic crisis. More broadly, though, we have wrestled with how to advance American interests in a
world that has changed—a world in which the international architecture of the 20th century is buckling
under the weight of new threats, the global economy has accelerated the competition facing our people
and businesses, and the universal aspiration for freedom and dignity contends with new obstacles.
Our country possesses the attributes that have supported our leadership for decades—sturdy alliances,
an unmatched military, the world’s largest economy, a strong and evolving democracy, and a dynamic
citizenry. Going forward, there should be no doubt: the United States of America will continue to
underwrite global security—through our commitments to allies, partners, and institutions; our focus on
defeating al-Qa’ida and its affiliates in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and around the globe; and our determination
to deter aggression and prevent the proliferation of the world’s most dangerous weapons. As we do,
we must recognize that no one nation—no matter how powerful—can meet global challenges alone.
As we did after World War II, America must prepare for the future, while forging cooperative approaches
among nations that can yield results.
Our national security strategy is, therefore, focused on renewing American leadership so that we can
more effectively advance our interests in the 21st century. We will do so by building upon the sources
of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our
time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national
competitiveness, resilience, and moral example. And it reaffirms America’s commitment to pursue our
interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and responsibilities.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 2 ★
This will allow America to leverage our engagement abroad on behalf of a world in which individuals
enjoy more freedom and opportunity, and nations have incentives to act responsibly, while facing
consequences when they do not.
Renewing American Leadership—Building at Home, Shaping Abroad
Our approach begins with a commitment to build a stronger foundation for American leadership,
because what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and influence beyond them.
This truth is only heightened in a world of greater interconnection—a world in which our prosperity is
inextricably linked to global prosperity, our security can be directly challenged by developments across
an ocean, and our actions are scrutinized as never before.
At the center of our efforts is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of
American power. The American people are now emerging from the most devastating recession that we
have faced since the Great Depression. As we continue to act to ensure that our recovery is broad and
sustained, we are also laying the foundation for the long term growth of our economy and competitiveness
of our citizens. The investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader effort that
will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and
innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries; lowering the cost of
health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the Federal deficit.
Each of these steps will sustain America’s ability to lead in a world where economic power and individual
opportunity are more diffuse. These efforts are also tied to our commitment to secure a more resilient
nation. Our recovery includes rebuilding an infrastructure that will be more secure and reliable in the
face of terrorist threats and natural disasters. Our focus on education and science can ensure that the
breakthroughs of tomorrow take place in the United States. Our development of new sources of energy
will reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Our commitment to deficit reduction will discipline us to
make hard choices, and to avoid overreach. These steps complement our efforts to integrate homeland
security with national security; including seamless coordination among Federal, state, and local governments
to prevent, protect against, and respond to threats and natural disasters.
Finally, the work to build a stronger foundation for our leadership within our borders recognizes that
the most effective way for the United States of America to promote our values is to live them. America’s
commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are essential sources of our strength and
influence in the world. They too must be cultivated by our rejection of actions like torture that are not in
line with our values, by our commitment to pursue justice consistent with our Constitution, and by our
steady determination to extend the promise of America to all of our citizens. America has always been
a beacon to the peoples of the world when we ensure that the light of America’s example burns bright.
Building this stronger foundation will support America’s efforts to shape an international system that
can meet the challenges of our time. In the aftermath of World War II, it was the United States that
helped take the lead in constructing a new international architecture to keep the peace and advance
prosperity—from NATO and the United Nations, to treaties that govern the laws and weapons of war;
from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to an expanding web of trade agreements. This
I. Overview of Nation al Securit y Strategy
★ 3 ★
architecture, despite its flaws, averted world war, enabled economic growth, and advanced human
rights, while facilitating effective burden sharing among the United States, our allies, and partners.
Today, we need to be clear-eyed about the strengths and shortcomings of international institutions that
were developed to deal with the challenges of an earlier time and the shortage of political will that has
at times stymied the enforcement of international norms. Yet it would be destructive to both American
national security and global security if the United States used the emergence of new challenges and
the shortcomings of the international system as a reason to walk away from it. Instead, we must focus
American engagement on strengthening international institutions and galvanizing the collective action
that can serve common interests such as combating violent extremism; stopping the spread of nuclear
weapons and securing nuclear materials; achieving balanced and sustainable economic growth; and
forging cooperative solutions to the threat of climate change, armed conflict, and pandemic disease.
The starting point for that collective action will be our engagement with other countries. The cornerstone
of this engagement is the relationship between the United States and our close friends and allies in
Europe, Asia, the Americas, and the Middle East—ties which are rooted in shared interests and shared
values, and which serve our mutual security and the broader security and prosperity of the world. We are
working to build deeper and more effective partnerships with other key centers of influence—including
China, India, and Russia, as well as increasingly influential nations such as Brazil, South Africa, and
Indonesia—so that we can cooperate on issues of bilateral and global concern, with the recognition
that power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero sum game. We are expanding our outreach
to emerging nations, particularly those that can be models of regional success and stability, from the
Americas to Africa to Southeast Asia. And we will pursue engagement with hostile nations to test their
intentions, give their governments the opportunity to change course, reach out to their people, and
mobilize international coalitions.
This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and
responsibilities. International institutions must more effectively represent the world of the 21st century,
with a broader voice—and greater responsibilities—for emerging powers, and they must be modernized
to more effectively generate results on issues of global interest. Constructive national steps on issues
ranging from nuclear security to climate change must be incentivized, so nations that choose to do
their part see the benefits of responsible action. Rules of the road must be followed, and there must be
consequences for those nations that break the rules—whether they are nonproliferation obligations,
trade agreements, or human rights commitments.
This modernization of institutions, strengthening of international norms, and enforcement of international
law is not a task for the United States alone—but together with like-minded nations, it is a
task we can lead. A key source of American leadership throughout our history has been enlightened
self-interest. We want a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives
will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. The belief
that our own interests are bound to the interests of those beyond our borders will continue to guide
our engagement with nations and peoples.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 4 ★
Advancing Top National Security Priorities
Just as our national security strategy is focused on renewing our leadership for the long term, it is also
facilitating immediate action on top priorities. This Administration has no greater responsibility than
the safety and security of the American people. And there is no greater threat to the American people
than weapons of mass destruction, particularly the danger posed by the pursuit of nuclear weapons by
violent extremists and their proliferation to additional states.
That is why we are pursuing a comprehensive nonproliferation and nuclear security agenda, grounded
in the rights and responsibilities of nations. We are reducing our nuclear arsenal and reliance on nuclear
weapons, while ensuring the reliability and effectiveness of our deterrent. We are strengthening the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the foundation of nonproliferation, while working through
the NPT to hold nations like Iran and North Korea accountable for their failure to meet international
obligations. We are leading a global effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials from terrorists.
And we are pursuing new strategies to protect against biological attacks and challenges to the cyber
networks that we depend upon.
As we secure the world’s most dangerous weapons, we are fighting a war against a far-reaching network
of hatred and violence. We will disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates through a comprehensive
strategy that denies them safe haven, strengthens front-line partners, secures our homeland,
pursues justice through durable legal approaches, and counters a bankrupt agenda of extremism and
murder with an agenda of hope and opportunity. The frontline of this fight is Afghanistan and Pakistan,
where we are applying relentless pressure on al-Qa’ida, breaking the Taliban’s momentum, and strengthening
the security and capacity of our partners. In this effort, our troops are again demonstrating their
extraordinary service, making great sacrifices in a time of danger, and they have our full support.
In Iraq, we are transitioning to full Iraqi sovereignty and responsibility—a process that includes the
removal of our troops, the strengthening of our civilian capacity, and a long-term partnership to the
Iraqi Government and people. We will be unwavering in our pursuit of a comprehensive peace between
Israel and its neighbors, including a two-state solution that ensures Israel’s security, while fulfilling the
Palestinian peoples’ legitimate aspirations for a viable state of their own. And our broader engagement
with Muslim communities around the world will spur progress on critical political and security matters,
while advancing partnerships on a broad range of issues based upon mutual interests and mutual
respect.
As we rebuild the economic strength upon which our leadership depends, we are working to advance
the balanced and sustainable growth upon which global prosperity and stability depends. This includes
steps at home and abroad to prevent another crisis. We have shifted focus to the G-20 as the premier
forum for international economic cooperation, and are working to rebalance global demand so that
America saves more and exports more, while emerging economies generate more demand. And we will
pursue bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that advance our shared prosperity, while accelerating
investments in development that can narrow inequality, expand markets, and support individual
opportunity and state capacity abroad.
I. Overview of Nation al Securit y Strategy
★ 5 ★
These efforts to advance security and prosperity are enhanced by our support for certain values that are
universal. Nations that respect human rights and democratic values are more successful and stronger
partners, and individuals who enjoy such respect are more able to achieve their full potential. The United
States rejects the false choice between the narrow pursuit of our interests and an endless campaign
to impose our values. Instead, we see it as fundamental to our own interests to support a just peace
around the world—one in which individuals, and not just nations, are granted the fundamental rights
that they deserve.
In keeping with the focus on the foundation of our strength and influence, we are promoting universal
values abroad by living them at home, and will not seek to impose these values through force. Instead,
we are working to strengthen international norms on behalf of human rights, while welcoming all
peaceful democratic movements. We are supporting the development of institutions within fragile
democracies, integrating human rights as a part of our dialogue with repressive governments, and supporting
the spread of technologies that facilitate the freedom to access information. And we recognize
economic opportunity as a human right, and are promoting the dignity of all men and women through
our support for global health, food security, and cooperatives responses to humanitarian crises.
Finally, our efforts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation
capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but
it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but
only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common
interests. A global effort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emissions
and a commitment to mitigate their impact. Efforts to prevent conflicts and keep the peace in their
aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic
disease can promote public health.
Implementing this agenda will not be easy. To succeed, we must balance and integrate all elements
of American power and update our national security capacity for the 21st century. We must maintain
our military’s conventional superiority, while enhancing its capacity to defeat asymmetric threats. Our
diplomacy and development capabilities must be modernized, and our civilian expeditionary capacity
strengthened, to support the full breadth of our priorities. Our intelligence and homeland security
efforts must be integrated with our national security policies, and those of our allies and partners. And
our ability to synchronize our actions while communicating effectively with foreign publics must be
enhanced to sustain global support.
However, America’s greatest asset remains our people. In an era that will be shaped by the ability to seize
the opportunities of a world that has grown more interconnected, it is the American people who will
make the difference—the troops and civilians serving within our government; businesses, foundations,
and educational institutions that operate around the globe; and citizens who possess the dynamism,
drive, and diversity to thrive in a world that has grown smaller. Because for all of its dangers, globalization
is in part a product of American leadership and the ingenuity of the American people. We are uniquely
suited to seize its promise.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 6 ★
Our story is not without imperfections. Yet at each juncture that history has called upon us to rise to
the occasion, we have advanced our own security, while contributing to the cause of human progress.
To continue to do so, our national security strategy must be informed by our people, enhanced by the
contributions of the Congress, and strengthened by the unity of the American people. If we draw on
that spirit anew, we can build a world of greater peace, prosperity, and human dignity.
★ 7 ★
II. Strategic Approach
“More than at any point in human history—the interests of nations and peoples are
shared. The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among
people, or tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever
darken it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the
hope of a single child—anywhere—can enrich our world, or impoverish it.”
—President Barack Obama, United Nations General Assembly, September 22, 2009
—
The United States must renew its leadership in the world by building and cultivating the sources of our
strength and influence. Our national security depends upon America’s ability to leverage our unique
national attributes, just as global security depends upon strong and responsible American leadership.
That includes our military might, economic competitiveness, moral leadership, global engagement,
and efforts to shape an international system that serves the mutual interests of nations and peoples.
For the world has changed at an extraordinary pace, and the United States must adapt to advance our
interests and sustain our leadership.
American interests are enduring. They are:
•• The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners;
•• A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic system that
promotes opportunity and prosperity;
•• Respect for universal values at home and around the world; and
•• An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security, and opportunity
through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.
Currently, the United States is focused on implementing a responsible transition as we end the war in
Iraq, succeeding in Afghanistan, and defeating al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates, while moving our
economy from catastrophic recession to lasting recovery. As we confront these crises, our national
strategy must take a longer view. We must build a stronger foundation for American leadership and
work to better shape the outcomes that are most fundamental to our people in the 21st century.
The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is
In the two decades since the end of the Cold War, the free flow of information, people, goods and services
has accelerated at an unprecedented rate. This interconnection has empowered individuals for good
and ill, and challenged state based international institutions that were largely designed in the wake of
World War II by policymakers who had different challenges in mind. Nonstate actors can have a dramatic
influence on the world around them. Economic growth has alleviated poverty and led to new centers of
influence. More nations are asserting themselves regionally and globally. The lives of our citizens—
their
safety and prosperity—are more bound than ever to events beyond our borders.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 8 ★
Within this environment, the attacks of September 11, 2001, were a transformative event for the United
States, demonstrating just how much trends far beyond our shores could directly endanger the personal
safety of the American people. The attacks put into sharp focus America’s position as the sole global
superpower, the dangers of violent extremism, and the simmering conflicts that followed the peaceful
conclusion of the Cold War. And they drew a swift and forceful response from the United States and
our allies and partners in Afghanistan. This response was followed by our decision to go to war in Iraq,
and the ensuing years have seen America’s forces, resources, and national security strategy focused on
these conflicts.
The United States is now fighting two wars with many thousands of our men and women deployed in
harm’s way, and hundreds of billions of dollars dedicated to funding these conflicts. In Iraq, we are supporting
a transition of responsibility to the sovereign Iraqi Government. We are supporting the security
and prosperity of our partners in Afghanistan and Pakistan as part of a broader campaign to disrupt,
dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its violent extremist affiliates.
Yet these wars—and our global efforts to successfully counter violent extremism—are only one element
of our strategic environment and cannot define America’s engagement with the world. Terrorism
is one of many threats that are more consequential in a global age. The gravest danger to the American
people and global security continues to come from weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear
weapons. The space and cyberspace capabilities that power our daily lives and military operations are
vulnerable to disruption and attack. Dependence upon fossil fuels constrains our options and pollutes
our environment. Climate change and pandemic disease threaten the security of regions and the health
and safety of the American people. Failing states breed conflict and endanger regional and global
security. Global criminal networks foment insecurity abroad and bring people and goods across our
own borders that threaten our people.
The global economy is being reshaped by innovation, emerging economies, transition to low-carbon
energy, and recovery from a catastrophic recession. The convergence of wealth and living standards
among developed and emerging economies holds out the promise of more balanced global growth, but
dramatic inequality persists within and among nations. Profound cultural and demographic tensions,
rising demand for resources, and rapid urbanization could reshape single countries and entire regions.
As the world grows more interconnected, more individuals are gaining awareness of their universal
rights and have the capacity to pursue them. Democracies that respect the rights of their people remain
successful states and America’s most steadfast allies. Yet the advance of democracy and human rights
has stalled in many parts of the world.
More actors exert power and influence. Europe is now more united, free, and at peace than ever before.
The European Union has deepened its integration. Russia has reemerged in the international arena as a
strong voice. China and India—the world’s two most populous nations—are becoming more engaged
globally. From Latin America to Africa to the Pacific, new and emerging powers hold out opportunities
for partnership, even as a handful of states endanger regional and global security by flouting international
norms. International institutions play a critical role in facilitating cooperation, but at times cannot
effectively address new threats or seize new opportunities. Meanwhile, individuals, corporations, and
civil society play an increasingly important role in shaping events around the world.
II. Strategic Approach
★ 9 ★
The United States retains the strengths that have enabled our leadership for many decades. Our society
is exceptional in its openness, vast diversity, resilience, and engaged citizenry. Our private sector and
civil society exhibit enormous ingenuity and innovation, and our workers are capable and dedicated.
We have the world’s largest economy and most powerful military, strong alliances and a vibrant cultural
appeal, and a history of leadership in economic and social development. We continue to be a destination
that is sought out by immigrants from around the world, who enrich our society. We have a transparent,
accountable democracy and a dynamic and productive populace with deep connections to peoples
around the world. And we continue to embrace a set of values that have enabled liberty and opportunity
at home and abroad.
Now, the very fluidity within the international system that breeds new challenges must be approached
as an opportunity to forge new international cooperation. We must rebalance our long-term priorities so
that we successfully move beyond today’s wars, and focus our attention and resources on a broader set
of countries and challenges. We must seize on the opportunities afforded by the world’s interconnection,
while responding effectively and comprehensively to its dangers. And we must take advantage of the
unparalleled connections that America’s Government, private sector, and citizens have around the globe.
The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek
In the past, the United States has thrived when both our nation and our national security policy have
adapted to shape change instead of being shaped by it. For instance, as the industrial revolution took
hold, America transformed our economy and our role in the world. When the world was confronted by
fascism, America prepared itself to win a war and to shape the peace that followed. When the United
States encountered an ideological, economic, and military threat from communism, we shaped our
practices and institutions at home—and policies abroad—to meet this challenge. Now, we must once
again position the United States to champion mutual interests among nations and peoples.
Building Our Foundation
Our national security begins at home. What takes place within our borders has always been the source
of our strength, and this is even truer in an age of interconnection.
First and foremost, we must renew the foundation of America’s strength. In the long run, the welfare
of the American people will determine America’s strength in the world, particularly at a time when our
own economy is inextricably linked to the global economy. Our prosperity serves as a wellspring for
our power. It pays for our military, underwrites our diplomacy and development efforts, and serves as
a leading source of our influence in the world. Moreover, our trade and investment supports millions
of American jobs, forges links among countries, spurs global development, and contributes to a stable
and peaceful political and economic environment.
Yet even as we have maintained our military advantage, our competitiveness has been set back in recent
years. We are recovering from underinvestment in the areas that are central to America’s strength. We
have not adequately advanced priorities like education, energy, science and technology, and health
care—all of which are essential to U.S. competitiveness, long-term prosperity, and strength. Years of
rising fiscal and trade deficits will also necessitate hard choices in the years ahead.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 10 ★
That is why we are rebuilding our economy so that it will serve as an engine of opportunity for the
American people, and a source of American influence abroad. The United States must ensure that we
have the world’s best-educated workforce, a private sector that fosters innovation, and citizens and businesses
that can access affordable health care to compete in a globalized economy. We must transform
the way that we use energy—diversifying supplies, investing in innovation, and deploying clean energy
technologies. By doing so, we will enhance energy security, create jobs, and fight climate change.
Rebuilding our economy must include putting ourselves on a fiscally sustainable path. As such, implementing
our national security strategy will require a disciplined approach to setting priorities and making
tradeoffs among competing programs and activities. Taken together, these efforts will position our
nation for success in the global marketplace, while also supporting our national security capacity—the
strength of our military, intelligence, diplomacy and development, and the security and resilience of
our homeland.
We are now moving beyond traditional distinctions between homeland and national security. National
security draws on the strength and resilience of our citizens, communities, and economy. This includes a
determination to prevent terrorist attacks against the American people by fully coordinating the actions
that we take abroad with the actions and precautions that we take at home. It must also include a commitment
to building a more secure and resilient nation, while maintaining open flows of goods and
people. We will continue to develop the capacity to address the threats and hazards that confront us,
while redeveloping our infrastructure to secure our people and work cooperatively with other nations.
America’s example is also a critical component of our foundation. The human rights which America has
stood for since our founding have enabled our leadership, provided a source of inspiration for peoples
around the world, and drawn a clear contrast between the United States and our democratic allies, and
those nations and individuals that deny or suppress human rights. Our efforts to live our own values,
and uphold the principles of democracy in our own society, underpin our support for the aspirations of
the oppressed abroad, who know they can turn to America for leadership based on justice and hope.
Our moral leadership is grounded principally in the power of our example—not through an effort to
impose our system on other peoples. Yet over the years, some methods employed in pursuit of our
security have compromised our fidelity to the values that we promote, and our leadership on their
behalf. This undercuts our ability to support democratic movements abroad, challenge nations that
violate international human rights norms, and apply our broader leadership for good in the world.
That is why we will lead on behalf of our values by living them. Our struggle to stay true to our values
and Constitution has always been a lodestar, both to the American people and to those who share our
aspiration for human dignity.
Our values have allowed us to draw the best and brightest to our shores, to inspire those who share our
cause abroad, and to give us the credibility to stand up to tyranny. America must demonstrate through
words and deeds the resilience of our values and Constitution. For if we compromise our values in pursuit
of security, we will undermine both; if we fortify them, we will sustain a key source of our strength
and leadership in the world—one that sets us apart from our enemies and our potential competitors.
II. Strategic Approach
★ 11 ★
Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement
Our foundation will support our efforts to engage nations, institutions, and peoples around the world
on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.
Engagement is the active participation of the United States in relationships beyond our borders. It is,
quite simply, the opposite of a self-imposed isolation that denies us the ability to shape outcomes.
Indeed, America has never succeeded through isolationism. As the nation that helped to build our
international system after World War II and to bring about the globalization that came with the end of
the Cold War, we must reengage the world on a comprehensive and sustained basis.
Engagement begins with our closest friends and allies—from Europe to Asia; from North America to
the Middle East. These nations share a common history of struggle on behalf of security, prosperity, and
democracy. They share common values and a common commitment to international norms that recognize
both the rights and responsibilities of all sovereign nations. America’s national security depends on
these vibrant alliances, and we must engage them as active partners in addressing global and regional
security priorities and harnessing new opportunities to advance common interests. For instance, we
pursue close and regular collaboration with our close allies the United Kingdom, France, and Germany
on issues of mutual and global concern.
We will continue to deepen our cooperation with other 21st century centers of influence—including
China, India, and Russia—on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect. We will also pursue
diplomacy and development that supports the emergence of new and successful partners, from the
Americas to Africa; from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. Our ability to advance constructive cooperation
is essential to the security and prosperity of specific regions, and to facilitating global cooperation on
issues ranging from violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to climate change, and global economic
instability—issues that challenge all nations, but that no one nation alone can meet.
To adversarial governments, we offer a clear choice: abide by international norms, and achieve the
political and economic benefits that come with greater integration with the international community;
or refuse to accept this pathway, and bear the consequences of that decision, including greater isolation.
Through engagement, we can create opportunities to resolve differences, strengthen the international
community’s support for our actions, learn about the intentions and nature of closed regimes, and plainly
demonstrate to the publics within those nations that their governments are to blame for their isolation.
Successful engagement will depend upon the effective use and integration of different elements of
American power. Our diplomacy and development capabilities must help prevent conflict, spur economic
growth, strengthen weak and failing states, lift people out of poverty, combat climate change
and epidemic disease, and strengthen institutions of democratic governance. Our military will continue
strengthening its capacity to partner with foreign counterparts, train and assist security forces, and
pursue military-to-military ties with a broad range of governments. We will continue to foster economic
and financial transactions to advance our shared prosperity. And our intelligence and law enforcement
agencies must cooperate effectively with foreign governments to anticipate events, respond to crises,
and provide safety and security.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 12 ★
Finally, we will pursue engagement among peoples—not just governments—around the world. The
United States Government will make a sustained effort to engage civil society and citizens and facilitate
increased connections among the American people and peoples around the world—through efforts
ranging from public service and educational exchanges, to increased commerce and private sector
partnerships. In many instances, these modes of engagement have a powerful and enduring impact
beyond our borders, and are a cost-effective way of projecting a positive vision of American leadership.
Time and again, we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the
American people—our businesses, nongovernmental organizations, scientists, athletes, artists, military
service members, and students.
Facilitating increased international engagement outside of government will help prepare our country
to thrive in a global economy, while building the goodwill and relationships that are invaluable to sustaining
American leadership. It also helps leverage strengths that are unique to America—our diversity
and diaspora populations, our openness and creativity, and the values that our people embody in their
own lives.
Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order
Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order—just, because it advances
mutual interests, protects the rights of all, and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their
responsibilities; sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action
to address common challenges.
This engagement will pursue an international order that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all
nations. As we did after World War II, we must pursue a rules-based international system that can advance
our own interests by serving mutual interests. International institutions must be more effective and
representative of the diffusion of influence in the 21st century. Nations must have incentives to behave
responsibly, or be isolated when they do not. The test of this international order must be the cooperation
it facilitates and the results it generates—the ability of nations to come together to confront common
challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, and a changing global economy.
That is precisely the reason we should strengthen enforcement of international law and our commitment
to engage and modernize international institutions and frameworks. Those nations that refuse
to meet their responsibilities will forsake the opportunities that come with international cooperation.
Credible and effective alternatives to military action—from sanctions to isolation—must be strong
enough to change behavior, just as we must reinforce our alliances and our military capabilities. And if
nations challenge or undermine an international order that is based upon rights and responsibilities,
they must find themselves isolated.
We succeeded in the post-World War II era by pursuing our interests within multilateral forums like the
United Nations—not outside of them. We recognized that institutions that aggregated the national interests
of many nations would never be perfect; but we also saw that they were an indispensable vehicle
for pooling international resources and enforcing international norms. Indeed, the basis for international
III. Advancin g Our Int erests
★ 13 ★
cooperation since World War II has been an architecture of international institutions, organizations,
regimes, and standards that establishes certain rights and responsibilities for all sovereign nations.
In recent years America’s frustration with international institutions has led us at times to engage the
United Nations (U.N.) system on an ad hoc basis. But in a world of transnational challenges, the United
States will need to invest in strengthening the international system, working from inside international
institutions and frameworks to face their imperfections head on and to mobilize transnational
cooperation.
We must be clear-eyed about the factors that have impeded effectiveness in the past. In order for collective
action to be mobilized, the polarization that persists across region, race, and religion will need to be
replaced by a galvanizing sense of shared interest. Swift and effective international action often turns on
the political will of coalitions of countries that comprise regional or international institutions. New and
emerging powers who seek greater voice and representation will need to accept greater responsibility
for meeting global challenges. When nations breach agreed international norms, the countries who
espouse those norms must be convinced to band together to enforce them.
We will expand our support to modernizing institutions and arrangements such as the evolution of the
G-8 to the G-20 to reflect the realities of today’s international environment. Working with the institutions
and the countries that comprise them, we will enhance international capacity to prevent conflict, spur
economic growth, improve security, combat climate change, and address the challenges posed by weak
and failing states. And we will challenge and assist international institutions and frameworks to reform
when they fail to live up to their promise. Strengthening the legitimacy and authority of international
law and institutions, especially the U.N., will require a constant struggle to improve performance.
Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing influence of individuals in today’s
world. There must be opportunities for civil society to thrive within nations and to forge connections
among them. And there must be opportunities for individuals and the private sector to play a major role
in addressing common challenges—whether supporting a nuclear fuel bank, promoting global health,
fostering entrepreneurship, or exposing violations of universal rights. In the 21st century, the ability of
individuals and nongovernment actors to play a positive role in shaping the international environment
represents a distinct opportunity for the United States.
Within this context, we know that an international order where every nation upholds its rights and
responsibilities will remain elusive. Force will sometimes be necessary to confront threats. Technology
will continue to bring with it new dangers. Poverty and disease will not be completely abolished.
Oppression will always be with us. But if we recognize these challenges, embrace America’s responsibility
to confront them with its partners, and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us
in overcoming them, then the international order of a globalized age can better advance our interests
and the common interests of nations and peoples everywhere.
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 14 ★
Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach
To succeed, we must update, balance, and integrate all of the tools of American power and work with our
allies and partners to do the same. Our military must maintain its conventional superiority and, as long as
nuclear weapons exist, our nuclear deterrent capability, while continuing to enhance its capacity to defeat
asymmetric threats, preserve access to the global commons, and strengthen partners. We must invest
in diplomacy and development capabilities and institutions in a way that complements and reinforces
our global partners. Our intelligence capabilities must continuously evolve to identify and characterize
conventional and asymmetric threats and provide timely insight. And we must integrate our approach to
homeland security with our broader national security approach.
We are improving the integration of skills and capabilities within our military and civilian institutions, so
they complement each other and operate seamlessly. We are also improving coordinated planning and
policymaking and must build our capacity in key areas where we fall short. This requires close cooperation
with Congress and a deliberate and inclusive interagency process, so that we achieve integration of
our efforts to implement and monitor operations, policies, and strategies. To initiate this effort, the White
House merged the staffs of the National Security Council and Homeland Security Council.
However, work remains to foster coordination across departments and agencies. Key steps include more
effectively ensuring alignment of resources with our national security strategy, adapting the education and
training of national security professionals to equip them to meet modern challenges, reviewing authorities
and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs, and other policies and programs that
strengthen coordination.
• Defense: We are strengthening our military to ensure that it can prevail in today’s wars; to prevent and
deter threats against the United States, its interests, and our allies and partners; and prepare to defend
the United States in a wide range of contingencies against state and nonstate actors. We will continue to
rebalance our military capabilities to excel at counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, stability operations,
and meeting increasingly sophisticated security threats, while ensuring our force is ready to address
the full range of military operations. This includes preparing for increasingly sophisticated adversaries,
deterring and defeating aggression in anti-access environments, and defending the United States and
supporting civil authorities at home. The most valuable component of our national defense is the men
and women who make up America’s all-volunteer force. They have shown tremendous resilience, adaptability,
and capacity for innovation, and we will provide our service members with the resources that
they need to succeed and rededicate ourselves to providing support and care for wounded warriors,
veterans, and military families. We must set the force on a path to sustainable deployment cycles and
preserve and enhance the long-term viability of our force through successful recruitment, retention,
and recognition of those who serve.
• Diplomacy: Diplomacy is as fundamental to our national security as our defense capability. Our diplomats
are the first line of engagement, listening to our partners, learning from them, building respect for
one another, and seeking common ground. Diplomats, development experts, and others in the United
States Government must be able to work side by side to support a common agenda. New skills are
needed to foster effective interaction to convene, connect, and mobilize not only other governments
and international organizations, but also nonstate actors such as corporations, foundations, nongovernmental
organizations, universities, think tanks, and faith-based organizations, all of whom increasingly
have a distinct role to play on both diplomatic and development issues. To accomplish these goals our
Table of Cont ents
★ 15 ★
diplomatic personnel and missions must be expanded at home and abroad to support the increasingly
transnational nature of 21st century security challenges. And we must provide the appropriate authorities
and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs and grow the civilian expeditionary
capacity required to assist governments on a diverse array of issues.
• Economic: Our economic institutions are crucial components of our national capacity and our economic
instruments are the bedrock of sustainable national growth, prosperity and influence. The Office of
Management and Budget, Departments of the Treasury, State, Commerce, Energy, and Agriculture,
United States Trade Representative, Federal Reserve Board, and other institutions help manage our
currency, trade, foreign investment, deficit, inflation, productivity, and national competitiveness.
Remaining a vibrant 21st century economic power also requires close cooperation between and
among developed nations and emerging markets because of the interdependent nature of the global
economy. America—like other nations—is dependent upon overseas markets to sell its exports and
maintain access to scarce commodities and resources. Thus, finding overlapping mutual economic
interests with other nations and maintaining those economic relationships are key elements of our
national security strategy.
• Development: Development is a strategic, economic, and moral imperative. We are focusing on assisting
developing countries and their people to manage security threats, reap the benefits of global
economic expansion, and set in place accountable and democratic institutions that serve basic human
needs. Through an aggressive and affirmative development agenda and commensurate resources,
we can strengthen the regional partners we need to help us stop conflicts and counter global criminal
networks; build a stable, inclusive global economy with new sources of prosperity; advance democracy
and human rights; and ultimately position ourselves to better address key global challenges by growing
the ranks of prosperous, capable, and democratic states that can be our partners in the decades ahead.
To do this, we are expanding our civilian development capability; engaging with international financial
institutions that leverage our resources and advance our objectives; pursuing a development budget
that more deliberately reflects our policies and our strategy, not sector earmarks; and ensuring that our
policy instruments are aligned in support of development objectives.
• Homeland Security: Homeland security traces its roots to traditional and historic functions of government
and society, such as civil defense, emergency response, law enforcement, customs, border patrol,
and immigration. In the aftermath of 9/11 and the foundation of the Department of Homeland Security,
these functions have taken on new organization and urgency. Homeland security, therefore, strives to
adapt these traditional functions to confront new threats and evolving hazards. It is not simply about
government action alone, but rather about the collective strength of the entire country. Our approach
relies on our shared efforts to identify and interdict threats; deny hostile actors the ability to operate
within our borders; maintain effective control of our physical borders; safeguard lawful trade and travel
into and out of the United States; disrupt and dismantle transnational terrorist, and criminal organizations;
and ensure our national resilience in the face of the threat and hazards. Taken together, these
efforts must support a homeland that is safe and secure from terrorism and other hazards and in which
American interests, aspirations, and way of life can thrive.
• Intelligence: Our country’s safety and prosperity depend on the quality of the intelligence we collect
and the analysis we produce, our ability to evaluate and share this information in a timely manner,
and our ability to counter intelligence threats. This is as true for the strategic intelligence that informs
executive decisions as it is for intelligence support to homeland security, state, local, and tribal governnation
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ments, our troops, and critical national missions. We are working to better integrate the Intelligence
Community, while also enhancing the capabilities of our Intelligence Community members. We are
strengthening our partnerships with foreign intelligence services and sustaining strong ties with our
close allies. And we continue to invest in the men and women of the Intelligence Community.
• Strategic Communications: Across all of our efforts, effective strategic communications are essential to
sustaining global legitimacy and supporting our policy aims. Aligning our actions with our words is a
shared responsibility that must be fostered by a culture of communication throughout government.
We must also be more effective in our deliberate communication and engagement and do a better job
understanding the attitudes, opinions, grievances, and concerns of peoples—not just elites—around
the world. Doing so allows us to convey credible, consistent messages and to develop effective plans,
while better understanding how our actions will be perceived. We must also use a broad range of methods
for communicating with foreign publics, including new media.
• The American People and the Private Sector: The ideas, values, energy, creativity, and resilience of our
citizens are America’s greatest resource. We will support the development of prepared, vigilant, and
engaged communities and underscore that our citizens are the heart of a resilient country. And we
must tap the ingenuity outside government through strategic partnerships with the private sector,
nongovernmental organizations, foundations, and community-based organizations. Such partnerships
are critical to U.S. success at home and abroad, and we will support them through enhanced opportunities
for engagement, coordination, transparency, and information sharing.
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III. Advancing Our Interests
To achieve the world we seek, the United States must apply our strategic approach in pursuit of four
enduring national interests:
•• Security: The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners.
•• Prosperity: A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic
system that promotes opportunity and prosperity.
•• Values: Respect for universal values at home and around the world.
•• International Order: An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace,
security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.
Each of these interests is inextricably linked to the others: no single interest can be pursued in isolation,
but at the same time, positive action in one area will help advance all four. The initiatives described
below do not encompass all of America’s national security concerns. However, they represent areas of
particular priority and areas where progress is critical to securing our country and renewing American
leadership in the years to come.
Security
“We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those
who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to
you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken—you cannot outlast us, and we
will defeat you.”
—President Barack Obama, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009
—
The threats to our people, our homeland, and our interests have shifted dramatically in the last 20 years.
Competition among states endures, but instead of a single nuclear adversary, the United States is now
threatened by the potential spread of nuclear weapons to extremists who may not be deterred from
using them. Instead of a hostile expansionist empire, we now face a diverse array of challenges, from
a loose network of violent extremists to states that flout international norms or face internal collapse.
In addition to facing enemies on traditional battlefields, the United States must now be prepared for
asymmetric threats, such as those that target our reliance on space and cyberspace.
This Administration has no greater responsibility than protecting the American people. Furthermore,
we embrace America’s unique responsibility to promote international security—a responsibility that
flows from our commitments to allies, our leading role in supporting a just and sustainable international
order, and our unmatched military capabilities.
The United States remains the only nation able to project and sustain large-scale military operations
over extended distances. We maintain superior capabilities to deter and defeat adaptive enemies and
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to ensure the credibility of security partnerships that are fundamental to regional and global security.
In this way, our military continues to underpin our national security and global leadership, and when
we use it appropriately, our security and leadership is reinforced. But when we overuse our military
might, or fail to invest in or deploy complementary tools, or act without partners, then our military is
overstretched, Americans bear a greater burden, and our leadership around the world is too narrowly
identified with military force. And we know that our enemies aim to overextend our Armed Forces and
to drive wedges between us and those who share our interests.
Therefore, we must continue to adapt and rebalance our instruments of statecraft. At home, we are integrating
our homeland security efforts seamlessly with other aspects of our national security approach,
and strengthening our preparedness and resilience. Abroad, we are strengthening alliances, forging new
partnerships, and using every tool of American power to advance our objectives—including enhanced
diplomatic and development capabilities with the ability both to prevent conflict and to work alongside
our military. We are strengthening international norms to isolate governments that flout them and to
marshal cooperation against nongovernmental actors who endanger our common security.
Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home
At home, the United States is pursuing a strategy capable of meeting the full range of threats and
hazards to our communities. These threats and hazards include terrorism, natural disasters, large-scale
cyber attacks, and pandemics. As we do everything within our power to prevent these dangers, we
also recognize that we will not be able to deter or prevent every single threat. That is why we must also
enhance our resilience—the ability to adapt to changing conditions and prepare for, withstand, and
rapidly recover from disruption. To keep Americans safe and secure at home, we are working to:
Enhance Security at Home: Security at home relies on our shared efforts to prevent and deter attacks
by identifying and interdicting threats, denying hostile actors the ability to operate within our borders,
protecting the nation’s critical infrastructure and key resources, and securing cyberspace. That is why
we are pursuing initiatives to protect and reduce vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure, at our borders,
ports, and airports, and to enhance overall air, maritime, transportation, and space and cyber security.
Building on this foundation, we recognize that the global systems that carry people, goods, and data
around the globe also facilitate the movement of dangerous people, goods, and data. Within these
systems of transportation and transaction, there are key nodes—for example, points of origin and
transfer, or border crossings—that represent opportunities for exploitation and interdiction. Thus, we
are working with partners abroad to confront threats that often begin beyond our borders. And we are
developing lines of coordination at home across Federal, state, local, tribal, territorial, nongovernmental,
and private-sector partners, as well as individuals and communities.
Effectively Manage Emergencies: We are building our capability to prepare for disasters to reduce or
eliminate long-term effects to people and their property from hazards and to respond to and recover
from major incidents. To improve our preparedness, we are integrating domestic all hazards planning
at all levels of government and building key capabilities to respond to emergencies. We continue to
collaborate with communities to ensure preparedness efforts are integrated at all levels of government
with the private and nonprofit sectors. We are investing in operational capabilities and equipment, and
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improving the reliability and interoperability of communications systems for first responders. We are
encouraging domestic regional planning and integrated preparedness programs and will encourage
government at all levels to engage in long-term recovery planning. It is critical that we continually test
and improve plans using exercises that are realistic in scenario and consequences.
Empowering Communities to Counter Radicalization: Several recent incidences of violent extremists
in the United States who are committed to fighting here and abroad have underscored the threat to
the United States and our interests posed by individuals radicalized at home. Our best defenses against
this threat are well informed and equipped families, local communities, and institutions. The Federal
Government will invest in intelligence to understand this threat and expand community engagement
and development programs to empower local communities. And the Federal Government, drawing
on the expertise and resources from all relevant agencies, will clearly communicate our policies and
intentions, listening to local concerns, tailoring policies to address regional concerns, and making clear
that our diversity is part of our strength—not a source of division or insecurity.
Improve Resilience Through Increased Public-Private Partnerships: When incidents occur, we must show
resilience by maintaining critical operations and functions, returning to our normal life, and learning
from disasters so that their lessons can be translated into pragmatic changes when necessary. The
private sector, which owns and operates most of the nation’s critical infrastructure, plays a vital role in
preparing for and recovering from disasters. We must, therefore, strengthen public-private partnerships
by developing incentives for government and the private sector to design structures and systems that
can withstand disruptions and mitigate associated consequences, ensure redundant systems where
necessary to maintain the ability to operate, decentralize critical operations to reduce our vulnerability
to single points of disruption, develop and test continuity plans to ensure the ability to restore critical
capabilities, and invest in improvements and maintenance of existing infrastructure.
Engage with Communities and Citizens: We will emphasize individual and community preparedness
and resilience through frequent engagement that provides clear and reliable risk and emergency
information to the public. A key part of this effort is providing practical steps that all Americans can
take to protect themselves, their families, and their neighbors. This includes transmitting information
through multiple pathways and to those with special needs. In addition, we support efforts to develop
a nationwide public safety broadband network. Our efforts to inform and empower Americans and their
communities recognize that resilience has always been at the heart of the American spirit.
Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Affiliates in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World
The United States is waging a global campaign against al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates. To disrupt,
dismantle and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates, we are pursuing a strategy that protects our homeland,
secures the world’s most dangerous weapons and material, denies al-Qa’ida safe haven, and builds
positive partnerships with Muslim communities around the world. Success requires a broad, sustained,
and integrated campaign that judiciously applies every tool of American power—both military and
civilian—as well as the concerted efforts of like-minded states and multilateral institutions.
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We will always seek to delegitimize the use of terrorism and to isolate those who carry it out. Yet this is
not a global war against a tactic—terrorism or a religion—Islam. We are at war with a specific network,
al-Qa’ida, and its terrorist affiliates who support efforts to attack the United States, our allies, and partners.
Prevent Attacks on and in the Homeland: To prevent acts of terrorism on American soil, we must enlist
all of our intelligence, law enforcement, and homeland security capabilities. We will continue to integrate
and leverage state and major urban area fusion centers that have the capability to share classified
information; establish a nationwide framework for reporting suspicious activity; and implement an
integrated approach to our counterterrorism information systems to ensure that the analysts, agents,
and officers who protect us have access to all relevant intelligence throughout the government. We
are improving information sharing and cooperation by linking networks to facilitate Federal, state, and
local capabilities to seamlessly exchange messages and information, conduct searches, and collaborate.
We are coordinating better with foreign partners to identify, track, limit access to funding, and prevent
terrorist travel. Recognizing the inextricable link between domestic and transnational security, we will
collaborate bilaterally, regionally, and through international institutions to promote global efforts to
prevent terrorist attacks.
Strengthen Aviation Security: We know that the aviation system has been a particular target of al-Qa’ida
and its affiliates. We must continue to bolster aviation security worldwide through a focus on increased
information collection and sharing, stronger passenger vetting and screening measures, the development
and development of advanced screening technologies, and cooperation with the international
community to strengthen aviation security standards and efforts around the world.
Deny Terrorists Weapons of Mass Destruction: To prevent acts of terrorism with the world’s most dangerous
weapons, we are dramatically accelerating and intensifying efforts to secure all vulnerable nuclear
materials by the end of 2013, and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. We will also take actions
to safeguard knowledge and capabilities in the life and chemical sciences that could be vulnerable to
misuse.
Deny Al-Qa’ida the Ability to Threaten the American People, Our Allies, Our Partners and Our Interests
Overseas: Al-Qa’ida and its allies must not be permitted to gain or retain any capacity to plan and launch
international terrorist attacks, especially against the U.S. homeland. Al Qa’ida’s core in Pakistan remains
the most dangerous component of the larger network, but we also face a growing threat from the
group’s allies worldwide. We must deny these groups the ability to conduct operational plotting from
any locale, or to recruit, train, and position operatives, including those from Europe and North America.
Afghanistan and Pakistan: This is the epicenter of the violent extremism practiced by al Qa’ida. The
danger from this region will only grow if its security slides backward, the Taliban controls large swaths of
Afghanistan, and al-Qa’ida is allowed to operate with impunity. To prevent future attacks on the United
States, our allies, and partners, we must work with others to keep the pressure on al-Qa’ida and increase
the security and capacity of our partners in this region.
In Afghanistan, we must deny al-Qa’ida a safe haven, deny the Taliban the ability to overthrow the government,
and strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can
take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future. Within Pakistan, we are working with the government
to address the local, regional, and global threat from violent extremists.
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We will achieve these objectives with a strategy comprised of three components.
•• First, our military and International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) partners within Afghanistan
are targeting the insurgency, working to secure key population centers, and increasing efforts
to train Afghan security forces. These military resources will allow us to create the conditions to
transition to Afghan responsibility. In July 2011, we will begin reducing our troops responsibly,
taking into account conditions on the ground. We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s
Security Forces so that they can succeed over the long term.
•• Second, we will continue to work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan
Government to improve accountable and effective governance. As we work to advance our
strategic partnership with the Afghan Government, we are focusing assistance on supporting
the President of Afghanistan and those ministries, governors, and local leaders who combat
corruption and deliver for the people. Our efforts will be based upon performance, and we will
measure progress. We will also target our assistance to areas that can make an immediate and
enduring impact in the lives of the Afghan people, such as agriculture, while supporting the
human rights of all of Afghanistan’s people—women and men. This will support our long-term
commitment to a relationship between our two countries that supports a strong, stable, and
prosperous Afghanistan.
•• Third, we will foster a relationship with Pakistan founded upon mutual interests and mutual
respect. To defeat violent extremists who threaten both of our countries, we will strengthen
Pakistan’s capacity to target violent extremists within its borders, and continue to provide
security assistance to support those efforts. To strengthen Pakistan’s democracy and development,
we will provide substantial assistance responsive to the needs of the Pakistani people,
and sustain a long-term partnership committed to Pakistan’s future. The strategic partnership
that we are developing with Pakistan includes deepening cooperation in a broad range of
areas, addressing both security and civilian challenges, and we will continue to expand those
ties through our engagement with Pakistan in the years to come.
Deny Safe Havens and Strengthen At-Risk States: Wherever al-Qa’ida or its terrorist affiliates attempt
to establish a safe haven—as they have in Yemen, Somalia, the Maghreb, and the Sahel—we will meet
them with growing pressure. We also will strengthen our own network of partners to disable al-Qa’ida’s
financial, human, and planning networks; disrupt terrorist operations before they mature; and address
potential safe-havens before al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates can take root. These efforts will focus on
information-sharing, law enforcement cooperation, and establishing new practices to counter evolving
adversaries. We will also help states avoid becoming terrorist safe havens by helping them build their
capacity for responsible governance and security through development and security sector assistance.
Deliver Swift and Sure Justice: To effectively detain, interrogate, and prosecute terrorists, we need
durable legal approaches consistent with our security and our values. We adhere to several principles:
we will leverage all available information and intelligence to disrupt attacks and dismantle al-Qa’ida and
affiliated terrorist organizations; we will bring terrorists to justice; we will act in line with the rule of law
and due process; we will submit decisions to checks and balances and accountability; and we will insist
that matters of detention and secrecy are addressed in a manner consistent with our Constitution and
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laws. To deny violent extremists one of their most potent recruitment tools, we will close the prison at
Guantanamo Bay.
Resist Fear and Overreaction: The goal of those who perpetrate terrorist attacks is in part to sow fear. If we
respond with fear, we allow violent extremists to succeed far beyond the initial impact of their attacks, or
attempted attacks—altering our society and enlarging the standing of al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates
far beyond its actual reach. Similarly, overreacting in a way that creates fissures between America and
certain regions or religions will undercut our leadership and make us less safe.
Contrast Al-Qa’ida’s Intent to Destroy with Our Constructive Vision: While violent extremists seek to
destroy, we will make clear our intent to build. We are striving to build bridges among people of different
faiths and regions. We will continue to work to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, which has long been a
source of tension. We will continue to stand up for the universal rights of all people, even for those with
whom we disagree. We are developing new partnerships in Muslim communities around the world on
behalf of health, education, science, employment, and innovation. And through our broader emphasis
on Muslim engagement, we will communicate our commitment to support the aspirations of all people
for security and opportunity. Finally, we reject the notion that al-Qa’ida represents any religious authority.
They are not religious leaders, they are killers; and neither Islam nor any other religion condones the
slaughter of innocents.
Use of Force
Military force, at times, may be necessary to defend our country and allies or to preserve broader peace
and security, including by protecting civilians facing a grave humanitarian crisis. We will draw on diplomacy,
development, and international norms and institutions to help resolve disagreements, prevent
conflict, and maintain peace, mitigating where possible the need for the use of force. This means credibly
underwriting U.S. defense commitments with tailored approaches to deterrence and ensuring the U.S.
military continues to have the necessary capabilities across all domains—land, air, sea, space, and cyber. It
also includes helping our allies and partners build capacity to fulfill their responsibilities to contribute to
regional and global security.
While the use of force is sometimes necessary, we will exhaust other options before war whenever we can,
and carefully weigh the costs and risks of action against the costs and risks of inaction. When force is necessary,
we will continue to do so in a way that reflects our values and strengthens our legitimacy, and we will
seek broad international support, working with such institutions as NATO and the U.N. Security Council.
The United States must reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend our nation and our interests,
yet we will also seek to adhere to standards that govern the use of force. Doing so strengthens those
who act in line with international standards, while isolating and weakening those who do not. We will also
outline a clear mandate and specific objectives and thoroughly consider the consequences —intended
and unintended—of our actions. And the United States will take care when sending the men and women
of our Armed Forces into harm’s way to ensure they have the leadership, training, and equipment they
require to accomplish their mission.
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Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear
Materials
The American people face no greater or more urgent danger than a terrorist attack with a nuclear
weapon. And international peace and security is threatened by proliferation that could lead to a nuclear
exchange. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, the risk of a nuclear attack has increased. Excessive
Cold War stockpiles remain. More nations have acquired nuclear weapons. Testing has continued. Black
markets trade in nuclear secrets and materials. Terrorists are determined to buy, build, or steal a nuclear
weapon. Our efforts to contain these dangers are centered in a global nonproliferation regime that has
frayed as more people and nations break the rules.
That is why reversing the spread of nuclear weapons is a top priority. Success depends upon broad
consensus and concerted action, we will move forward strategically on a number of fronts through our
example, our partnerships, and a reinvigorated international regime. The United States will:
Pursue the Goal of a World Without Nuclear Weapons: While this goal will not be reached during this
Administration, its active pursuit and eventual achievement will increase global security, keep our
commitment under the NPT, build our cooperation with Russia and other states, and increase our credibility
to hold others accountable for their obligations. As long as any nuclear weapons exist, the United
States will sustain a safe, secure, and effective nuclear arsenal, both to deter potential adversaries and
to assure U.S. allies and other security partners that they can count on America’s security commitments.
But we have signed and seek to ratify a landmark New START Treaty with Russia to substantially limit our
deployed nuclear warheads and strategic delivery vehicles, while assuring a comprehensive monitoring
regime. We are reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our national security approach, extending a
negative security assurance not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against those nonnuclear
nations that are in compliance with the NPT and their nuclear nonproliferation obligations, and investing
in the modernization of a safe, secure, and effective stockpile without the production of new nuclear
weapons. We will pursue ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. And we will seek a new treaty
that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in nuclear weapons.
Strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty: The basic bargain of the NPT is sound: countries with
nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will forsake
them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. To strengthen the NPT, we will seek more
resources and authority for international inspections. We will develop a new framework for civil nuclear
cooperation. As members of the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership have agreed, one important element
of an enhanced framework could be cradle-to-grave nuclear fuel management. We will pursue a
broad, international consensus to insist that all nations meet their obligations. And we will also pursue
meaningful consequences for countries that fail to meet their obligations under the NPT or to meet the
requirements for withdrawing from it.
Present a Clear Choice to Iran and North Korea: The United States will pursue the denuclearization of the
Korean peninsula and work to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. This is not about singling
out nations—it is about the responsibilities of all nations and the success of the nonproliferation regime.
Both nations face a clear choice. If North Korea eliminates its nuclear weapons program, and Iran meets
its international obligations on its nuclear program, they will be able to proceed on a path to greater
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political and economic integration with the international community. If they ignore their international
obligations, we will pursue multiple means to increase their isolation and bring them into compliance
with international nonproliferation norms.
Secure Vulnerable Nuclear Weapons and Material: The Global Nuclear Security Summit of 2010 rallied 47
nations behind the goal of securing all nuclear materials from terrorist groups. By the end of 2013, we
will seek to complete a focused international effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the
world through enhanced protection and accounting practices, expanded cooperation with and through
international institutions, and new partnerships to lock down these sensitive materials. To detect and
intercept nuclear materials in transit, and to stop the illicit trade in these technologies, we will work to
turn programs such as the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear
Terrorism into durable international efforts. And we will sustain broad-based cooperation with other
nations and international institutions to ensure the continued improvements necessary to protect
nuclear materials from evolving threats.
Support Peaceful Nuclear Energy: As countries move increasingly to tap peaceful nuclear energy to
provide power generation while advancing climate goals, the world must develop an infrastructure
in the countries that seek to use nuclear energy for their energy security needs and climate goals to
ensure that nuclear energy is developed in a safer manner. We will do so by promoting safety through
regulatory bodies and training of operators, promoting physical security to prevent terrorist acts, and
assuring safe and secure handling of fuel at the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle.
Counter Biological Threats: The effective dissemination of a lethal biological agent within a population
center would endanger the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and have unprecedented economic,
societal, and political consequences. We must continue to work at home with first responders
and health officials to reduce the risk associated with unintentional or deliberate outbreaks of infectious
disease and to strengthen our resilience across the spectrum of high-consequence biological threats.
We will work with domestic and international partners to protect against biological threats by promoting
global health security and reinforcing norms of safe and responsible conduct; obtaining timely
and accurate insight on current and emerging risks; taking reasonable steps to reduce the potential
for exploitation; expanding our capability to prevent, attribute, and apprehend those who carry out
attacks; communicating effectively with all stakeholders; and helping to transform the international
dialogue on biological threats.
Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East
The United States has important interests in the greater Middle East. They include broad cooperation on
a wide range of issues with our close friend, Israel, and an unshakable commitment to its security; the
achievement of the Palestinian people’s legitimate aspirations for statehood, opportunity, and the realization
of their extraordinary potential; the unity and security of Iraq and the fostering of its democracy
and reintegration into the region; the transformation of Iranian policy away from its pursuit of nuclear
weapons, support for terrorism, and threats against its neighbors; nonproliferation; and counterterrorism
cooperation, access to energy, and integration of the region into global markets.
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At the same time, our engagement must be both comprehensive and strategic. It should extend beyond
near-term threats by appealing to peoples’ aspirations for justice, education, and opportunity and by
pursuing a positive and sustainable vision of U.S. partnership with the region. Furthermore, our relationship
with our Israeli and Arab friends and partners in the region extends beyond our commitment to its
security and includes the continued ties we share in areas such as trade, exchanges, and cooperation
on a broad range of issues.
Complete a Responsible Transition as We End the War in Iraq: The war in Iraq presents a distinct and
important challenge to the United States, the international community, the Iraqi people, and the region.
America’s servicemen and women, along with our coalition partners, have performed remarkably in
fighting determined enemies and have worked with our civilians to help the Iraqi people regain control
of their own destiny. Going forward, we have a responsibility, for our own security and the security of
the region, to successfully end the war through a full transition to Iraqi responsibility. We will cultivate
an enduring relationship with Iraq based on mutual interests and mutual respect.
Our goal is an Iraq that is sovereign, stable, and self-reliant. To achieve that goal, we are continuing to
promote an Iraqi Government that is just, representative, and accountable and that denies support and
safe haven to terrorists. The United States will pursue no claim on Iraqi territory or resources, and we
will keep our commitments to Iraq’s democratically elected government. These efforts will build new
ties of trade and commerce between Iraq and the world, enable Iraq to assume its rightful place in the
community of nations, and contribute to the peace and security of the region.
We are pursuing these objectives with a strategy that has three core components.
•• Transition Security: First, we are transitioning security to full Iraqi responsibility. We will end the
combat mission in Iraq by the end of August 2010. We will continue to train, equip, and advise
Iraqi Security Forces; conduct targeted counterterrorism missions; and protect ongoing civilian
and military efforts in Iraq. And, consistent with our commitments to the Iraqi Government,
including the U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement, we will remove all of our troops from Iraq by the
end of 2011.
•• Civilian Support: Second, as the security situation continues to improve, U.S. civilian engagement
will deepen and broaden. We will sustain a capable political, diplomatic, and civilian effort
to help the Iraqi people as they resolve outstanding differences, integrate those refugees and
displaced persons who can return, and continue to develop accountable democratic institutions
that can better serve their basic needs. We will work with our Iraqi partners to implement
the Strategic Framework Agreement, with the Department of State taking the lead. This will
include cooperation on a range of issues including defense and security cooperation, political
and diplomatic cooperation, rule of law, science, health, education, and economics.
•• Regional Diplomacy and Development: Third, we will continue to pursue comprehensive
engagement across the region to ensure that our drawdown in Iraq provides an opportunity
to advance lasting security and sustainable development for both Iraq and the broader Middle
East. The United States will continue to retain a robust civilian presence commensurate with
our strategic interests in the country and the region. We are transforming our relationship to
one consistent with other strategic partners in the region.
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Pursue Arab-Israeli Peace: The United States, Israel, the Palestinians, and the Arab States have an interest
in a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict—one in which the legitimate aspirations of Israelis
and Palestinians for security and dignity are realized, and Israel achieves a secure and lasting peace with
all of its neighbors.
The United States seeks two states living side by side in peace and security—a Jewish state of Israel, with
true security, acceptance, and rights for all Israelis; and a viable, independent Palestine with contiguous
territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967 and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.
We will continue to work regionally and with like-minded partners in order to advance negotiations
that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees, and
Jerusalem. We also seek international support to build the institutions upon which a Palestinian state
will depend, while supporting economic development that can bring opportunity to its people.
Any Arab-Israeli peace will only be lasting if harmful regional interference ends and constructive regional
support deepens. As we pursue peace between Israelis and Palestinians, we will also pursue peace
between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its neighbors. We
will pursue regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.
Promote a Responsible Iran: For decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has endangered the security of
the region and the United States and failed to live up to its international responsibilities. In addition
to its illicit nuclear program, it continues to support terrorism, undermine peace between Israelis and
Palestinians, and deny its people their universal rights. Many years of refusing to engage Iran failed to
reverse these trends; on the contrary, Iran’s behavior became more threatening. Engagement is something
we pursue without illusion. It can offer Iran a pathway to a better future, provided Iran’s leaders
are prepared to take it. But that better pathway can only be achieved if Iran’s leaders change course,
act to restore the confidence of the international community, and fulfill their obligations. The United
States seeks a future in which Iran meets its international responsibilities, takes its rightful place in the
community of nations, and enjoys the political and economic opportunities that its people deserve.
Yet if the Iranian Government continues to refuse to live up to its international obligations, it will face
greater isolation.
Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners
Where governments are incapable of meeting their citizens’ basic needs and fulfilling their responsibilities
to provide security within their borders, the consequences are often global and may directly threaten
the American people. To advance our common security, we must address the underlying political and
economic deficits that foster instability, enable radicalization and extremism, and ultimately undermine
the ability of governments to manage threats within their borders and to be our partners in addressing
common challenges. To invest in the capacity of strong and capable partners, we will work to:
Foster Security and Reconstruction in the Aftermath of Conflict: The United States and the international
community cannot shy away from the difficult task of pursuing stabilization in conflict and post-conflict
environments. In countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, building the capacity necessary for security, economic
growth, and good governance is the only path to long term peace and security. But we have also
learned that the effectiveness of these efforts is profoundly affected by the capacity of governments and
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the political will of their leaders. We will take these constraints into account in designing appropriate
assistance strategies and will facilitate the kind of collaboration that is essential—within our government
and with international organizations—in those instances when we engage in the difficult work
of helping to bring conflicts to an end.
Pursue Sustainable and Responsible Security Systems in At-Risk States: Proactively investing in stronger
societies and human welfare is far more effective and efficient than responding after state collapse.
The United States must improve its capability to strengthen the security of states at risk of conflict and
violence. We will undertake long-term, sustained efforts to strengthen the capacity of security forces to
guarantee internal security, defend against external threats, and promote regional security and respect
for human rights and the rule of law. We will also continue to strengthen the administrative and oversight
capability of civilian security sector institutions, and the effectiveness of criminal justice.
Prevent the Emergence of Conflict: Our strategy goes beyond meeting the challenges of today, and
includes preventing the challenges and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow. This requires investing
now in the capable partners of the future; building today the capacity to strengthen the foundations of
our common security, and modernizing our capabilities in order to ensure that we are agile in the face
of change. We have already begun to reorient and strengthen our development agenda; to take stock
of and enhance our capabilities; and to forge new and more effective means of applying the skills of our
military, diplomats, and development experts. These kinds of measures will help us diminish military risk,
act before crises and conflicts erupt, and ensure that governments are better able to serve their people.
Secure Cyberspace
Cybersecurity threats represent one of the most serious national security, public safety, and economic
challenges we face as a nation. The very technologies that empower us to lead and create also empower
those who would disrupt and destroy. They enable our military superiority, but our unclassified government
networks are constantly probed by intruders. Our daily lives and public safety depend on power
and electric grids, but potential adversaries could use cyber vulnerabilities to disrupt them on a massive
scale. The Internet and e-commerce are keys to our economic competitiveness, but cyber criminals
have cost companies and consumers hundreds of millions of dollars and valuable intellectual property.
The threats we face range from individual criminal hackers to organized criminal groups, from terrorist
networks to advanced nation states. Defending against these threats to our security, prosperity, and
personal privacy requires networks that are secure, trustworthy, and resilient. Our digital infrastructure,
therefore, is a strategic national asset, and protecting it—while safeguarding privacy and civil
liberties—is a national security priority. We will deter, prevent, detect, defend against, and quickly recover
from cyber intrusions and attacks by:
Investing in People and Technology: To advance that goal, we are working across the government and
with the private sector to design more secure technology that gives us the ability to better protect and
to improve the resilience of critical government and industry systems and networks. We will continue
to invest in the cutting-edge research and development necessary for the innovation and discovery
we need to meet these challenges. We have begun a comprehensive national campaign to promote
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cybersecurity awareness and digital literacy from our boardrooms to our classrooms and to build a
digital workforce for the 21st century.
Strengthening Partnerships: Neither government nor the private sector nor individual citizens can meet
this challenge alone—we will expand the ways we work together. We will also strengthen our international
partnerships on a range of issues, including the development of norms for acceptable conduct
in cyberspace; laws concerning cybercrime; data preservation, protection, and privacy; and approaches
for network defense and response to cyber attacks. We will work with all the key players— including
all levels of government and the private sector, nationally and internationally—to investigate cyber
intrusion and to ensure an organized and unified response to future cyber incidents. Just as we do for
natural disasters, we have to have plans and resources in place beforehand.
Prosperity
“The answers to our problems don’t lie beyond our reach. They exist in our laboratories
and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs
and the pride of the hardest-working people on Earth. Those qualities that have made
America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in
ample measure. What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly
the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.”
—President Barack Obama, Address to Joint Session of Congress, February 24, 2009
—
The foundation of American leadership must be a prosperous American economy. And a growing and
open global economy serves as a source of opportunity for the American people and a source of strength
for the United States. The free flow of information, people, goods, and services has also advanced peace
among nations, as those places that have emerged more prosperous are often more stable. Yet we have
also seen how shocks to the global economy can precipitate disaster—including the loss of jobs, a
decline in standards of living in parts of our country, and instability and a loss of U.S. influence abroad.
Meanwhile, growing prosperity around the world has made economic power more diffuse, creating a
more competitive environment for America’s people and businesses.
To allow each American to pursue the opportunity upon which our prosperity depends, we must
build a stronger foundation for economic growth. That foundation must include access to a complete
and competitive education for every American; a transformation of the way that we produce and use
energy, so that we reduce our dependence on fossil fuels and lead the world in creating new jobs and
industry; access to quality, affordable health care so our people, businesses, and government are not
constrained by rising costs; and the responsible management of our Federal budget so that we balance
our priorities and are not burdened by debt. To succeed, we must also ensure that America stays on the
cutting edge of the science and innovation that supports our prosperity, defense, and international
technological leadership.
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This new foundation must underpin and sustain an international economic system that is critical to both
our prosperity and to the peace and security of the world. We must reinvigorate and fortify it for the
21st century: by preventing cycles of boom and bust with new rules of the road at home and abroad; by
saving more and spending less; by resisting protectionism and promoting trade that is free and fair; by
coordinating our actions with other countries, and reforming international institutions to give emerging
economies a greater voice and greater responsibility; and by supporting development that promotes
good governance, unleashes the potential of different populations, and creates new markets overseas.
Taken together, these actions can ensure inclusive growth that is balanced and sustained.
Strengthen Education and Human Capital
In a global economy of vastly increased mobility and interdependence, our own prosperity and leadership
depends increasingly on our ability to provide our citizens with the education that they need to
succeed, while attracting the premier human capital for our workforce. We must ensure that the most
innovative ideas take root in America, while providing our people with the skills that they need to
compete. That means we must:
Improve Education at All Levels: The United States has lost ground in education, even as our competitiveness
depends on educating our children to succeed in a global economy based on knowledge and
innovation. We are working to provide a complete and competitive education for all Americans, to
include supporting high standards for early learning, reforming public schools, increasing access to
higher education and job training, and promoting high-demand skills and education for emerging
industries. We will also restore U.S. leadership in higher education by seeking the goal of leading the
world in the proportion of college graduates by 2020.
Invest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math Education (STEM): America’s long-term leadership
depends on educating and producing future scientists and innovators. We will invest more in
STEM education so students can learn to think critically in science, math, engineering, and technology;
improve the quality of math and science teaching so American students are no longer outperformed
by those in other nations; and expand STEM education and career opportunities for underrepresented
groups, including women and girls. We will work with partners—from the private-sector and nonprofit
organizations to universities—to promote education and careers in science and technology.
Increase International Education and Exchange: The pervasiveness of the English language and American
cultural influence are great advantages to Americans traveling, working, and negotiating in foreign
countries. But we must develop skills to help us succeed in a dynamic and diverse global economy. We
will support programs that cultivate interest and scholarship in foreign languages and intercultural
affairs, including international exchange programs. This will allow our citizens to build connections with
peoples overseas and to develop skills and contacts that will help them thrive in the global economy.
We must also welcome more foreign exchange students to our shores, recognizing the benefits that can
result from deeper ties with foreign publics and increased understanding of American society.
Pursue Comprehensive Immigration Reform: The United States is a nation of immigrants. Our ability to
innovate, our ties to the world, and our economic prosperity depend on our nation’s capacity to welcome
and assimilate immigrants, and a visa system which welcomes skilled professionals from around the
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world. At the same time, effective border security and immigration enforcement must keep the country
safe and deter unlawful entry. Indeed, persistent problems in immigration policy consume valuable
resources needed to advance other security objectives and make it harder to focus on the most dangerous
threats facing our country. Ultimately, our national security depends on striking a balance between
security and openness. To advance this goal, we must pursue comprehensive immigration reform that
effectively secures our borders, while repairing a broken system that fails to serve the needs of our nation.
Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation
Reaffirming America’s role as the global engine of scientific discovery and technological innovation
has never been more critical. Challenges like climate change, pandemic disease, and resource scarcity
demand new innovation. Meanwhile, the nation that leads the world in building a clean energy economy
will enjoy a substantial economic and security advantage. That is why the Administration is investing
heavily in research, improving education in science and math, promoting developments in energy, and
expanding international cooperation.
Transform our Energy Economy: As long as we are dependent on fossil fuels, we need to ensure the
security and free flow of global energy resources. But without significant and timely adjustments, our
energy dependence will continue to undermine our security and prosperity. This will leave us vulnerable
to energy supply disruptions and manipulation and to changes in the environment on an unprecedented
scale.
The United States has a window of opportunity to lead in the development of clean energy technology.
If successful, the United States will lead in this new Industrial Revolution in clean energy that will be
a major contributor to our economic prosperity. If we do not develop the policies that encourage the
private sector to seize the opportunity, the United States will fall behind and increasingly become an
importer of these new energy technologies.
We have already made the largest investment in clean energy in history, but there is much more to do
to build on this foundation. We must continue to transform our energy economy, leveraging private
capital to accelerate deployment of clean energy technologies that will cut greenhouse gas emissions,
improve energy efficiency, increase use of renewable and nuclear power, reduce the dependence of
vehicles on oil, and diversify energy sources and suppliers. We will invest in research and next-generation
technology, modernize the way we distribute electricity, and encourage the usage of transitional fuels,
while moving towards clean energy produced at home.
Invest in Research: Research and development is central to our broader national capacity. Incidents
like the outbreak of H1N1 influenza and the challenge of identifying new, renewable sources of energy
highlight the importance of research in basic and applied science. We are reversing the decades-long
decline in federal funding for research, including the single largest infusion to basic science research
in American history. Research and innovation is not something government can do on its own, which
is why we will support and create incentives to encourage private initiatives. The United States has
always excelled in our ability to turn science and technology into engineering and products, and we
must continue to do so in the future.
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Expand International Science Partnerships: America’s scientific leadership has always been widely
admired around the world, and we must continue to expand cooperation and partnership in science
and technology. We have launched a number of Science Envoys around the globe and are promoting
stronger relationships between American scientists, universities, and researchers and their counterparts
abroad. We will reestablish a commitment to science and technology in our foreign assistance efforts
and develop a strategy for international science and national security.
Employ Technology to Protect our Nation: Our renewed commitment to science and technology—and
our ability to apply the ingenuity of our public and private sectors toward the most difficult foreign policy
and security challenges of our time—will help us protect our citizens and advance U.S. national security
priorities. These include, for example, protecting U.S. and allied forces from asymmetric attacks; supporting
arms control and nonproliferation agreements; preventing terrorists from attacking our homeland;
preventing and managing widespread disease outbreaks; securing the supply chain; detecting weapons
of mass destruction before they reach our borders; and protecting our information, communication,
and transportation infrastructure.
Leverage and Grow our Space Capabilities: For over 50 years, our space community has been a catalyst
for innovation and a hallmark of U.S. technological leadership. Our space capabilities underpin global
commerce and scientific advancements and bolster our national security strengths and those of our
allies and partners. To promote security and stability in space, we will pursue activities consistent with
the inherent right of self-defense, deepen cooperation with allies and friends, and work with all nations
toward the responsible and peaceful use of space. To maintain the advantages afforded to the United
States by space, we must also take several actions. We must continue to encourage cutting-edge space
technology by investing in the people and industrial base that develops them. We will invest in the
research and development of next-generation space technologies and capabilities that benefit our
commercial, civil, scientific exploration, and national security communities, in order to maintain the
viability of space for future generations. And we will promote a unified effort to strengthen our space
industrial base and work with universities to encourage students to pursue space-related careers.
Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth
Balanced and sustainable growth, at home and throughout the global economy, drives the momentum
of the U.S. economy and underpins our prosperity. A steadily growing global economy means an expanding
market for exports of our goods and services. Over time, deepening linkages among markets and
businesses will provide the setting in which the energies and entrepreneurship of our private sector can
flourish, generating technologies, business growth, and job creation that will boost living standards for
Americans. United States economic leadership now has to adapt to the rising prominence of emerging
economies; the growing size, speed, and sophistication of financial markets; the multiplicity of market
participants around the globe; and the struggling economies that have so far failed to integrate into
the global system.
To promote prosperity for all Americans, we will need to lead the international community to expand the
inclusive growth of the integrated, global economy. At the same time, we will need to lead international
efforts to prevent a recurrence of economic imbalances and financial excesses, while managing the
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many security threats and global challenges that affect global economic stability. To promote growth
that can be balanced and sustained, we will:
Prevent Renewed Instability in the Global Economy: The recent crisis taught us the very high cost of the
boom and bust cycle that has plagued the global economy and has served neither the United States
nor our international partners. Once Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, our demand
for foreign goods fell sharply. As foreign economies weakened, their financial institutions and public
finances came under stress too, reinforcing the global slowdown. We must prevent the reemergence
of imbalanced growth, with American consumers buying and borrowing, and Asian and other exporting
countries selling and accumulating claims. We must pursue reform of the U.S. financial system to
strengthen the health of our economy and encourage Americans to save more. And we must prevent
the reemergence of excesses in our financial institutions based on irresponsible lending behavior, and
abetted by lax and uncoordinated regulation.
Save More And Export More: Striking a better balance at home means saving more and spending less,
reforming our financial system, and reducing our long-term budget deficit. With those changes, we will
see a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world, with the goal
of doubling U.S. exports by 2014. This is ultimately an employment strategy, because higher exports
will support millions of well-paying American jobs, including those that service innovative and profitable
new technologies. As a part of that effort, we are reforming our export controls consistent with
our national security imperatives.
Shift To Greater Domestic Demand Abroad: For the rest of the world, especially in some emerging market
and developing countries, a better balance means placing greater emphasis on increasing domestic
demand as the leading driver of growth and opening markets. Those countries will be able to import
the capital and technologies needed to sustain the remarkable productivity gains already underway.
Rebalancing will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers over time to enjoy the higher
standards of living made possible by those gains. As balanced growth translates into sustained growth,
middle-income, and poor countries, many of which are not yet sufficiently integrated into the global
economy, can accelerate the process of convergence of living standards toward richer countries—a
process that will become a driver of growth for the global economy for decades to come.
Open Foreign Markets to Our Products and Services: The United States has long had one of the most
open markets in the world. We have been a leader in expanding an open trading system. That has
underwritten the growth of other developed and emerging markets alike. Openness has also forced
our companies and workers to compete and innovate, and at the same time, has offered market access
crucial to the success of so many countries around the world. We will maintain our open investment
environment, consistent with our national security goals. In this new era, opening markets around the
globe will promote global competition and innovation and will be crucial to our prosperity. We will
pursue a trade agenda that includes an ambitious and balanced Doha multilateral trade agreement,
bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that reflect our values and interests, and engagement with
the transpacific partnership countries to shape a regional agreement with high standards.
As we go forward, our trade policy will be an important part of our effort to capitalize on the opportunities
presented by globalization, but will also be part of our effort to equip Americans to compete. To make
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trade agreements work for Americans, we will take steps to restore confidence, with realistic programs
to deal with transition costs, and promote innovation, infrastructure, healthcare reform and education.
Our agreements will contain achievable enforcement mechanisms to ensure that the gains we negotiate
are in fact realized and will be structured to reflect U.S. interests, especially on labor and environment.
Build Cooperation with Our International Partners: The United States has supported the G-20’s emergence
as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. This flows from the recognition that
we need a broader and more inclusive engagement with the countries responsible for most of global
output and trade. U.S. leadership in the G-20 will be focused on securing sustainable and balanced
growth, coordinating reform of financial sector regulation, fostering global economic development,
and promoting energy security. We also need official international financial institutions to be as modern
and agile as the global economy they serve. Through the G-20, we will pursue governance reform at
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. We will also broaden our leadership in other
international financial institutions so that the rapidly growing countries of the world see their representation
increase and are willing to invest those institutions with the authority they need to promote
the stability and growth of global output and trade.
Deterring Threats to the International Financial System: Today’s open and global financial system also
exposes us to global financial threats. Just as we work to make the most of the opportunities that globalization
brings, the actors that pose a threat to our national security—terrorists, proliferators, narcotics
traffickers, corrupt officials, and others—are abusing the global financial system to raise, move, and safeguard
funds that support their illicit activities or from which they derive profit. Their support networks
have global reach and are not contained by national borders. Our strategy to attack these networks
must respond in kind and target their illicit resources and access to the global financial system through
financial measures, administration and enforcement of regulatory authorities, outreach to the private
sector and our foreign partners, and collaboration on international standards and information sharing.
Accelerate Sustainable Development
The growth of emerging economies in recent decades has lifted people out of poverty and forged a
more interconnected and vibrant global economy. But development has been uneven, progress is fragile,
and too many of the world’s people still live without the benefits that development affords. While some
countries are growing, many lag behind—mired in insecurity, constrained by poor governance, or overly
dependent upon commodity prices. But sustained economic progress requires faster, sustainable, and
more inclusive development. That is why we are pursuing a range of specific initiatives in areas such
as food security and global health that will be essential to the future security and prosperity of nations
and peoples around the globe.
Increase Investments in Development: The United States has an interest in working with our allies to help
the world’s poorest countries grow into productive and prosperous economies governed by capable,
democratic, and accountable state institutions. We will ensure a greater and more deliberate focus
on a global development agenda across the United States Government, from policy analysis through
policy implementation. We are increasing our foreign assistance, expanding our investments in effective
multilateral development institutions, and leveraging the engagement of others to share the burden.
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Invest in the Foundations of Long-Term Development: The United States will initiate long-term investments
that recognize and reward governments that demonstrate the capacity and political will to pursue
sustainable development strategies and ensure that all policy instruments at our disposal are harnessed
to these ends. And we will provide our support in multiple ways—by strengthening the ability of governments
and communities to manage development challenges and investing in strong institutions
that foster the democratic accountability that helps sustain development. This will expand the circle of
nations—particularly in Africa—who are capable of reaping the benefits of the global economy, while
contributing to global security and prosperity.
Exercise Leadership in the Provision of Global Public Goods: Our approach needs to reflect the fact that
there are a set of development challenges that strongly affect the likelihood of progress, but cannot be
addressed by individual countries acting alone. Particularly in Africa, these challenges—such as adaptation
to global warming, the control of epidemic disease, and the knowledge to increase agricultural
productivity—are not adequately addressed in bilateral efforts. We will shape the international architecture
and work with our global partners to address these challenges, and increase our investments
and engagement to transition to a low-carbon growth trajectory, support the resilience of the poorest
nations to the effects of climate change, and strengthen food security. We must also pursue potential
“game changers” for development such as new vaccines, weather-resistant seed varieties, and green
energy technologies.
Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely
The United States Government has an obligation to make the best use of taxpayer money, and our ability
to achieve long-term goals depends upon our fiscal responsibility. A responsible budget involves making
tough choices to live within our means; holding departments and agencies accountable for their
spending and their performance; harnessing technology to improve government performance; and
being open and honest with the American people. A responsible budget also depends upon working
with our global partners and institutions to share burdens and leverage U.S. investments to achieve
global goals. Our national security goals can only be reached if we make hard choices and work with
international partners to share burdens.
Reduce the Deficit: We cannot grow our economy in the long term unless we put the United States
back on a sustainable fiscal path. To begin this effort, the Administration has proposed a 3-year freeze
in nonsecurity discretionary spending, a new fee on the largest financial services companies to recoup
taxpayer losses for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), and the closing of tax loopholes and
unnecessary subsidies. The Administration has created a bipartisan fiscal commission to suggest further
steps for medium-term deficit reduction and will work for fiscally responsible health insurance reform
that will bring down the rate of growth in health care costs, a key driver of the country’s fiscal future.
Reform Acquisition and Contracting Processes: Wasteful spending, duplicative programs, and contracts
with poor oversight have no place in the United States Government. Cost-effective and efficient processes
are particularly important for the Department of Defense, which accounts for approximately
70 percent of all Federal procurement spending. We will scrutinize our programs and terminate or
restructure those that are outdated, duplicative, ineffective, or wasteful. The result will be more relevant,
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capable, and effective programs and systems that our military wants and needs. We are also reforming
Federal contracting and strengthening contracting practices and management oversight with a goal
of saving Federal agencies $40 billion dollars a year.
Increase Transparency: Americans have a right to know how their tax dollars are spent, but that information
can be obscured or unavailable. In some instances, incomplete accounting of the budget has been
used to conceal the reality of our fiscal situation. To uphold our commitment to a transparent budget
process, we are simultaneously requesting both base budget and overseas contingency operations costs,
with the same amount of justification and explanatory material for each, so that Americans can see the
true cost of our war efforts and hold leaders accountable for decisions with all of the facts.
Values
“We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because
it strengthens our country and keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our
best national security asset—in war and peace, in times of ease, and in eras of upheaval.
Fidelity to our values is the reason why the United States of America grew from a small
string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world.”
—President Barack Obama, National Archives, May 21, 2009
—
The United States believes certain values are universal and will work to promote them worldwide. These
include an individual’s freedom to speak their mind, assemble without fear, worship as they please,
and choose their own leaders; they also include dignity, tolerance, and equality among all people, and
the fair and equitable administration of justice. The United States was founded upon a belief in these
values. At home, fidelity to these values has extended the promise of America ever more fully, to ever
more people. Abroad, these values have been claimed by people of every race, region, and religion.
Most nations are parties to international agreements that recognize this commonality. And nations
that embrace these values for their citizens are ultimately more successful—and friendly to the United
States—than those that do not.
Yet after an era that saw substantial gains for these values around the world, democratic development
has stalled in recent years. In some cultures, these values are being equated with the ugly face
of modernity and are seen to encroach upon cherished identities. In other countries, autocratic rulers
have repressed basic human rights and democratic practices in the name of economic development
and national unity. Even where some governments have adopted democratic practices, authoritarian
rulers have undermined electoral processes and restricted the space for opposition and civil society,
imposing a growing number of legal restrictions so as to impede the rights of people to assemble and
to access information. And while there has been substantial progress in combating poverty in many
parts of the world, too many of the world’s people still lack the dignity that comes with the opportunity
to pursue a better life.
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The United States supports those who seek to exercise universal rights around the world. We promote
our values above all by living them at home. We continue to engage nations, institutions, and peoples in
pursuit of these values abroad. And we recognize the link between development and political progress.
In doing so, our goals are realistic, as we recognize that different cultures and traditions give life to these
values in distinct ways. Moreover, America’s influence comes not from perfection, but from our striving
to overcome our imperfections. The constant struggle to perfect our union is what makes the American
story inspiring. That is why acknowledging our past shortcomings—
and highlighting our efforts to
remedy them—is a means of promoting our values.
America will not impose any system of government on another country, but our long-term security and
prosperity depends on our steady support for universal values, which sets us apart from our enemies,
adversarial governments, and many potential competitors for influence. We will do so through a variety
of means—by speaking out for universal rights, supporting fragile democracies and civil society, and
supporting the dignity that comes with development.
Strengthen the Power of Our Example
More than any other action that we have taken, the power of America’s example has helped spread
freedom and democracy abroad. That is why we must always seek to uphold these values not just when
it is easy, but when it is hard. Advancing our interests may involve new arrangements to confront threats
like terrorism, but these practices and structures must always be in line with our Constitution, preserve
our people’s privacy and civil liberties, and withstand the checks and balances that have served us so
well. To sustain our fidelity to our values—and our credibility to promote them around the world—we
will continue to:
Prohibit Torture without Exception or Equivocation: Brutal methods of interrogation are inconsistent
with our values, undermine the rule of law, and are not effective means of obtaining information. They
alienate the United States from the world. They serve as a recruitment and propaganda tool for terrorists.
They increase the will of our enemies to fight against us, and endanger our troops when they are
captured. The United States will not use or support these methods.
Legal Aspects of Countering Terrorism: The increased risk of terrorism necessitates a capacity to detain
and interrogate suspected violent extremists, but that framework must align with our laws to be effective
and sustainable. When we are able, we will prosecute terrorists in Federal courts or in reformed military
commissions that are fair, legitimate, and effective. For detainees who cannot be prosecuted—but pose
a danger to the American people—we must have clear, defensible, and lawful standards. We must have
fair procedures and a thorough process of periodic review, so that any prolonged detention is carefully
evaluated and justified. And keeping with our Constitutional system, it will be subject to checks and
balances. The goal is an approach that can be sustained by future Administrations, with support from
both political parties and all three branches of government.
Balance the Imperatives of Secrecy and Transparency: For the sake of our security, some information
must be protected from public disclosure—for instance, to protect our troops, our sources and methods
of intelligence-gathering or confidential actions that keep the American people safe. Yet our democracy
depends upon transparency, and whenever possible, we are making information available to the
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American people so that they can make informed judgments and hold their leaders accountable. For
instance, when we invoke the State Secrets privilege, we will follow clear procedures so as to provide
greater accountability and to ensure the privilege is invoked only when necessary and in the narrowest
way possible. We will never invoke the privilege to hide a violation of law or to avoid embarrassment
to the government.
Protect Civil Liberties, Privacy, and Oversight: Protecting civil liberties and privacy are integral to the
vibrancy of our democracy and the exercise of freedom. We are balancing our solemn commitments
to these virtues with the mandate to provide security for the American people. Vigorous oversight of
national security activities by our three branches of government and vigilant compliance with the rule of
law allow us to maintain this balance, affirm to our friends and allies the constitutional ideals we uphold.
Uphold the Rule of Law: The rule of law—and our capacity to enforce it—advances our national security
and strengthens our leadership. At home, fidelity to our laws and support for our law enforcement community
safeguards American citizens and interests, while protecting and advancing our values. Around
the globe, it allows us to hold actors accountable, while supporting both international security and the
stability of the global economy. America’s commitment to the rule of law is fundamental to our efforts to
build an international order that is capable of confronting the emerging challenges of the 21st century.
Draw Strength from Diversity: The United States has benefited throughout our history when we have
drawn strength from our diversity. While those who advocate on behalf of extremist ideologies seek
to sow discord among ethnic and religious groups, America stands as an example of how people from
different backgrounds can be united through their commitment to shared values. Within our own
communities, those who seek to recruit and radicalize individuals will often try to prey upon isolation
and alienation. Our own commitment to extending the promise of America will both draw a contrast
with those who try to drive people apart, while countering attempts to enlist individuals in ideological,
religious, or ethnic extremism.
Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad
The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments
that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and legitimate. We also do so because their success
abroad fosters an environment that supports America’s national interests. Political systems that protect
universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our history shows, the United States
can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that
reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in
power. The United States is advancing universal values by:
Ensuring that New and Fragile Democracies Deliver Tangible Improvements for Their Citizens: The
United States must support democracy, human rights, and development together, as they are mutually
reinforcing. We are working closely with citizens, communities, and political and civil society leaders
to strengthen key institutions of democratic accountability—free and fair electoral processes, strong
legislatures, civilian control of militaries, honest police forces, independent and fair judiciaries, a free
and independent press, a vibrant private sector, and a robust civil society. To do so, we are harnessing
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our bilateral and multilateral capabilities to help nascent democracies deliver services that respond
to the needs and preferences of their citizens, since democracies without development rarely survive.
Practicing Principled Engagement with Non-Democratic Regimes: Even when we are focused on
interests such as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, or enhancing economic ties, we will always seek
in parallel to expand individual rights and opportunities through our bilateral engagement. The United
States is pursuing a dual-track approach in which we seek to improve government-to-government
relations and use this dialogue to advance human rights, while engaging civil society and peaceful
political opposition, and encouraging U.S. nongovernmental actors to do the same. More substantive
government-to-government relations can create permissive conditions for civil society to operate and
for more extensive people-to-people exchanges. But when our overtures are rebuffed, we must lead
the international community in using public and private diplomacy, and drawing on incentives and
disincentives, in an effort to change repressive behavior.
Recognizing the Legitimacy of All Peaceful Democratic Movements: America respects the right of all
peaceful, law-abiding, and nonviolent voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with
them. Support for democracy must not be about support for specific candidates or movements. America
will welcome all legitimately elected, peaceful governments, provided they govern with respect for
the rights and dignity of all their people and consistent with their international obligations. Those who
seek democracy to obtain power, but are ruthless once they do, will forfeit the support of the United
States. Governments must maintain power through consent, not coercion, and place legitimate political
processes above party or narrow interest.
Supporting the Rights of Women and Girls: Women should have access to the same opportunities and
be able to make the same choices as men. Experience shows that countries are more peaceful and
prosperous when women are accorded full and equal rights and opportunity. When those rights and
opportunities are denied, countries often lag behind. Furthermore, women and girls often disproportionally
bear the burden of crises and conflict. Therefore the United States is working with regional and
international organizations to prevent violence against women and girls, especially in conflict zones.
We are supporting women’s equal access to justice and their participation in the political process. We
are promoting child and maternal health. We are combating human trafficking, especially in women
and girls, through domestic and international law enforcement. And we are supporting education,
employment, and micro-finance to empower women globally.
Strengthening International Norms Against Corruption: We are working within the broader international
system, including the U.N., G-20, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD),
and the international financial institutions, to promote the recognition that pervasive corruption is a
violation of basic human rights and a severe impediment to development and global security. We will
work with governments and civil society organizations to bring greater transparency and accountability
to government budgets, expenditures, and the assets of public officials. And we will institutionalize
transparent practices in international aid flows, international banking and tax policy, and private sector
engagement around natural resources to make it harder for officials to steal and to strengthen the
efforts of citizens to hold their governments accountable.
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Building a Broader Coalition of Actors to Advance Universal Values: We are working to build support
for democracy, rule of law, and human rights by working with other governments, nongovernmental
organizations, and multilateral fora. The United States is committed to working to shape and strengthen
existing institutions that are not delivering on their potential, such as the United Nations Human Rights
Council. We are working within the broader U.N. system and through regional mechanisms to strengthen
human rights monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, so that individuals and countries are held
accountable for their violation of international human rights norms. And we will actively support the
leadership of emerging democracies as they assume a more active role in advancing basic human rights
and democratic values in their regions and on the global stage.
Marshalling New Technologies and Promoting the Right to Access Information: The emergence of technologies
such as the Internet, wireless networks, mobile smart-phones, investigative forensics, satellite
and aerial imagery, and distributed remote sensing infrastructure has created powerful new opportunities
to advance democracy and human rights. These technologies have fueled people-powered political
movements, made it possible to shine a spotlight on human rights abuses nearly instantaneously, and
increased avenues for free speech and unrestricted communication around the world. We support the
dissemination and use of these technologies to facilitate freedom of expression, expand access to information,
increase governmental transparency and accountability, and counter restrictions on their use.
We will also better utilize such technologies to effectively communicate our own messages to the world.
Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs
The freedom that America stands for includes freedom from want. Basic human rights cannot thrive in
places where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they
need to survive. The United States has embraced the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals
and is working with others in pursuit of the eradication of extreme poverty—efforts that are particularly
critical to the future of nations and peoples of Africa. And we will continue to promote the dignity that
comes through development efforts such as:
Pursuing a Comprehensive Global Health Strategy: The United States has a moral and strategic interest
in promoting global health. When a child dies of a preventable disease, it offends our conscience; when
a disease goes unchecked, it can endanger our own health; when children are sick, development is
stalled. That is why we are continuing to invest in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Through the Global Health
Initiative, we will strengthen health systems and invest in interventions to address areas where progress
has lagged, including maternal and child health. And we are also pursuing the goal of reducing the
burden of malaria and tuberculosis and seeking the elimination of important neglected tropical diseases.
Promoting Food Security: The United States is working with partners around the world to advance a food
security initiative that combats hunger and builds the capacity of countries to feed their people. Instead
of simply providing aid for developing countries, we are focusing on new methods and technologies for
agricultural development. This is consistent with an approach in which aid is not an end in itself—the
purpose of our foreign assistance will be to create the conditions where it is no longer needed.
Leading Efforts to Address Humanitarian Crises: Together with the American people and the international
community, we will continue to respond to humanitarian crises to ensure that those in need have the
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protection and assistance they need. In such circumstances, we are also placing a greater emphasis on
fostering long-term recovery. Haiti’s devastating earthquake is only the most recent reminder of the
human and material consequences of natural disasters, and a changing climate portends a future in
which the United States must be better prepared and resourced to exercise robust leadership to help
meet critical humanitarian needs.
International Order
“As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America’s security and
to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century
on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. That is why America seeks an international
system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests
diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations
of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that
we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.”
—President Barack Obama, Moscow, Russia, July 7, 2009
—
The United States will protect its people and advance our prosperity irrespective of the actions of any
other nation, but we have an interest in a just and sustainable international order that can foster collective
action to confront common challenges. This international order will support our efforts to advance
security, prosperity, and universal values, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. Because
without such an international order, the forces of instability and disorder will undermine global security.
And without effective mechanisms to forge international cooperation, challenges that recognize
no borders—such as climate change, pandemic disease, and transnational crime—will persist and
potentially spread.
International institutions—most prominently NATO and the United Nations—have been at the center
of our international order since the mid 20th century. Yet, an international architecture that was largely
forged in the wake of World War II is buckling under the weight of new threats, making us less able to
seize new opportunities. Even though many defining trends of the 21st century affect all nations and
peoples, too often, the mutual interests of nations and peoples are ignored in favor of suspicion and
self-defeating competition.
What is needed, therefore, is a realignment of national actions and international institutions with shared
interests. And when national interests do collide—or countries prioritize their interests in different
ways—those nations that defy international norms or fail to meet their sovereign responsibilities will
be denied the incentives that come with greater integration and collaboration with the international
community.
No international order can be supported by international institutions alone. Our mutual interests must
be underpinned by bilateral, multilateral, and global strategies that address underlying sources of
insecurity and build new spheres of cooperation. To that end, strengthening bilateral and multilateral
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cooperation cannot be accomplished simply by working inside formal institutions and frameworks. It
requires sustained outreach to foreign governments, political leaderships, and other critical constituencies
that must commit the necessary capabilities and resources to enable effective, collective action. And
it means building upon our traditional alliances, while also cultivating partnerships with new centers of
influence. Taken together, these approaches will allow us to foster more effective global cooperation to
confront challenges that know no borders and affect every nation.
Ensure Strong Alliances
The foundation of United States, regional, and global security will remain America’s relations with our
allies, and our commitment to their security is unshakable. These relationships must be constantly
cultivated, not just because they are indispensible for U.S. interests and national security objectives,
but because they are fundamental to our collective security. Alliances are force multipliers: through
multinational cooperation and coordination, the sum of our actions is always greater than if we act
alone. We will continue to maintain the capacity to defend our allies against old and new threats. We will
also continue to closely consult with our allies as well as newly emerging partners and organizations so
that we revitalize and expand our cooperation to achieve common objectives. And we will continue to
mutually benefit from the collective security provided by strong alliances.
Although the United States and our allies and partners may sometimes disagree on specific issues, we
will act based upon mutual respect and in a manner that continues to strengthen an international order
that benefits all responsible international actors.
Strengthening Security Relationships: Our ability to sustain these alliances, and to build coalitions
of support toward common objectives, depends in part on the capabilities of America’s Armed Forces.
Similarly, the relationships our Armed Forces have developed with foreign militaries are a critical component
of our global engagement and support our collective security.
We will continue to ensure that we can prevail against a wide range of potential adversaries—to include
hostile states and nonstate actors—while broadly shaping the strategic environment using all tools to
advance our common security. We will continue to reassure our allies and partners by retaining our ability
to bring precise, sustained, and effective capabilities to bear against a wide range of military threats
and decisively defeat the forces of hostile regional powers. We will work with our allies and partners
to enhance the resilience of U.S. forward posture and facilities against potential attacks. Finally, we will
strengthen our regional deterrence postures—for example, through phased, adaptive missile defense
architectures—in order to make certain that regional adversaries gain no advantages from their acquisition
of new, offensive military capabilities.
European Allies: Our relationship with our European allies remains the cornerstone for U.S. engagement
with the world, and a catalyst for international action. We will engage with our allies bilaterally,
and pursue close consultation on a broad range of security and economic issues. The North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) is the pre-eminent security alliance in the world today. With our 27 NATO
allies, and the many partners with which NATO cooperates, we will strengthen our collective ability to
promote security, deter vital threats, and defend our people. NATO’s new Strategic Concept will provide
an opportunity to revitalize and reform the Alliance. We are committed to ensuring that NATO is able to
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address the full range of 21st century challenges, while serving as a foundation of European security. And
we will continue to anchor our commitment in Article V, which is fundamental to our collective security.
Building on European aspirations for greater integration, we are committed to partnering with a stronger
European Union to advance our shared goals, especially in promoting democracy and prosperity in
Eastern European countries that are still completing their democratic transition and in responding to
pressing issues of mutual concern. We will remain dedicated to advancing stability and democracy in
the Balkans and to resolving conflicts in the Caucasus and in Cyprus. We will continue to engage with
Turkey on a broad range of mutual goals, especially with regard to pursuit of stability in its region. And
we will seek to strengthen existing European institutions so that they are more inclusive and more
effective in building confidence, reducing tensions, and protecting freedom.
Asian Allies: Our alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the
bedrock of security in Asia and a foundation of prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. We will continue to
deepen and update these alliances to reflect the dynamism of the region and strategic trends of the 21st
century. Japan and South Korea are increasingly important leaders in addressing regional and global
issues, as well as in embodying and promoting our common democratic values. We are modernizing our
security relationships with both countries to face evolving 21st century global security challenges and
to reflect the principle of equal partnership with the United States and to ensure a sustainable foundation
for the U.S. military presence there. We are working together with our allies to develop a positive
security agenda for the region, focused on regional security, combating the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, terrorism, climate change, international piracy, epidemics, and cybersecurity, while
achieving balanced growth and human rights.
In partnership with our allies, the United States is helping to offer a future of security and integration
to all Asian nations and to uphold and extend fundamental rights and dignity to all of its people. These
alliances have preserved a hard-earned peace and strengthened the bridges of understanding across the
Pacific Ocean in the second half of the 20th century, and it is essential to U.S., Asian, and global security
that they are as dynamic and effective in the 21st century.
North America: The strategic partnerships and unique relationships we maintain with Canada and
Mexico are critical to U.S. national security and have a direct effect on the security of our homeland. With
billions of dollars in trade, shared critical infrastructure, and millions of our citizens moving across our
common borders, no two countries are more directly connected to our daily lives. We must change the
way we think about our shared borders, in order to secure and expedite the lawful and legitimate flow
of people and goods while interdicting transnational threat that threaten our open societies.
Canada is our closest trading partner, a steadfast security ally, and an important partner in regional
and global efforts. Our mutual prosperity is closely interconnected, including through our trade relationship
with Mexico through NAFTA. With Canada, our security cooperation includes our defense of
North America and our efforts through NATO overseas. And our cooperation is critical to the success of
international efforts on issues ranging from international climate negotiations to economic cooperation
through the G-20.
With Mexico, in addition to trade cooperation, we are working together to identify and interdict threats
at the earliest opportunity, even before they reach North America. Stability and security in Mexico are
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indispensable to building a strong economic partnership, fighting the illicit drug and arms trade, and
promoting sound immigration policy.
Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Influence
The United States is part of a dynamic international environment, in which different nations are exerting
greater influence, and advancing our interests will require expanding spheres of cooperation around the
word. Certain bilateral relationships—such as U.S. relations with China, India, and Russia—will be critical
to building broader cooperation on areas of mutual interest. And emerging powers in every region of the
world are increasingly asserting themselves, raising opportunities for partnership for the United States.
Asia: Asia’s dramatic economic growth has increased its connection to America’s future prosperity, and
its emerging centers of influence make it increasingly important. We have taken substantial steps to
deepen our engagement in the region, through regional organizations, new dialogues, and high-level
diplomacy. The United States has deep and enduring ties with the countries of the region, including
trade and investment that drive growth and prosperity on both sides of the Pacific, and enhancing these
ties is critical to our efforts to advance balanced and sustainable growth and to doubling U.S. exports.
We have increasing security cooperation on issues such as violent extremism and nuclear proliferation.
We will work to advance these mutual interests through our alliances, deepen our relationships with
emerging powers, and pursue a stronger role in the region’s multilateral architecture, including the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the
Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the East Asia Summit.
We will continue to pursue a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship with China. We
welcome a China that takes on a responsible leadership role in working with the
United States and the international community to advance priorities like economic recovery, confronting
climate change, and nonproliferation. We will monitor China’s military modernization program and
prepare accordingly to ensure that U.S. interests and allies, regionally and globally, are not negatively
affected. More broadly, we will encourage China to make choices that contribute to peace, security, and
prosperity as its influence rises. We are using our newly established Strategic and Economic Dialogue
to address a broader range of issues, and improve communication between our militaries in order to
reduce mistrust. We will encourage continued reduction in tension between the People’s Republic of
China and Taiwan. We will not agree on every issue, and we will be candid on our human rights concerns
and areas where we differ. But disagreements should not prevent cooperation on issues of mutual interest,
because a pragmatic and effective relationship between the United States and China is essential to
address the major challenges of the 21st century.
The United States and India are building a strategic partnership that is underpinned by our shared
interests, our shared values as the world’s two largest democracies, and close connections among our
people. India’s responsible advancement serves as a positive example for developing nations, and
provides an opportunity for increased economic, scientific, environmental, and security partnership.
Working together through our Strategic Dialogue and high-level visits, we seek a broad-based relationship
in which India contributes to global counterterrorism efforts, nonproliferation, and helps promote
poverty-reduction, education, health, and sustainable agriculture. We value India’s growing leadership
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on a wide array of global issues, through groups such as the G-20, and will seek to work with India to
promote stability in South Asia and elsewhere in the world.
Russia: We seek to build a stable, substantive, multidimensional relationship with Russia, based on
mutual interests. The United States has an interest in a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia that
respects international norms. As the two nations possessing the majority of the world’s nuclear weapons,
we are working together to advance nonproliferation, both by reducing our nuclear arsenals and
by cooperating to ensure that other countries meet their international commitments to reducing the
spread of nuclear weapons around the world. We will seek greater partnership with Russia in confronting
violent extremism, especially in Afghanistan. We also will seek new trade and investment arrangements
for increasing the prosperity of our peoples. We support efforts within Russia to promote the rule of
law, accountable government, and universal values. While actively seeking Russia’s cooperation to act
as a responsible partner in Europe and Asia, we will support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of
Russia’s neighbors.
Emerging Centers of Influence: Due to increased economic growth and political stability, individual
nations are increasingly taking on powerful regional and global roles and changing the landscape of
international cooperation. To achieve a just and sustainable order that advances our shared security and
prosperity, we are, therefore, deepening our partnerships with emerging powers and encouraging them
to play a greater role in strengthening international norms and advancing shared interests.
The rise of the G-20, for example, as the premier international economic forum, represents a distinct shift
in our global international order toward greater cooperation between traditional major economies and
emerging centers of influence. The nations composing the G-20—from South Korea to South Africa,
Saudi Arabia to Argentina—represent at least 80 percent of global gross national product, making it an
influential body on the world stage. Stabilizing our global economy, increasing energy efficiency around
the globe, and addressing chronic hunger in poor countries are only three examples of the broad global
challenges that cannot be solved by a few countries alone.
Indonesia—as the world’s fourth most populous country, a member of the G-20, and a democracy—will
become an increasingly important partner on regional and transnational issues such as climate change,
counterterrorism, maritime security, peacekeeping, and disaster relief. With tolerance, resilience, and
multiculturalism as core values, and a flourishing civil society, Indonesia is uniquely positioned to help
address challenges facing the developing world.
In the Americas, we are bound by proximity, integrated markets, energy interdependence, a broadly
shared commitment to democracy, and the rule of law. Our deep historical, familial, and cultural ties
make our alliances and partnerships critical to U.S. interests. We will work in equal partnership to advance
economic and social inclusion, safeguard citizen safety and security, promote clean energy, and defend
universal values of the people of the hemisphere.
We welcome Brazil’s leadership and seek to move beyond dated North-South divisions to pursue
progress on bilateral, hemispheric, and global issues. Brazil’s macroeconomic success, coupled with its
steps to narrow socioeconomic gaps, provide important lessons for countries throughout the Americas
and Africa. We will encourage Brazilian efforts against illicit transnational networks. As guardian of a
unique national environmental patrimony and a leader in renewable fuels, Brazil is an important partner
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in confronting global climate change and promoting energy security. And in the context of the G-20
and the Doha round, we will work with Brazil to ensure that economic development and prosperity is
broadly shared.
We have an array of enduring interests, longstanding commitments and new opportunities for broadening
and deepening relationships in the greater Middle East. This includes maintaining a strong partnership
with Israel while supporting Israel’s lasting integration into the region. The U.S. also will continue
to develop our key security relationships in the region with such Arab states as with Egypt, Jordan,
and Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries—partnerships that enable our
militaries and defense systems to work together more effectively.
We have a strategic interest in ensuring that the social and economic needs and political rights of people
in this region, who represent one of the world’s youngest populations, are met. We will continue to
press governments in the region to undertake political reforms and to loosen restrictions on speech,
assembly and media. We will maintain our strong support for civil society groups and those individuals
who stand up for universal rights. And we will continue to foster partnerships in areas like education,
economic growth, science, and health to help expand opportunity. On a multilateral basis, we seek to
advance shared security interests, such as through NATO’s Istanbul Cooperation Initiative with the GCC,
and common interests in promoting governance and institutional reform through participating in the
Forum for the Future and other regional dialogues.
The diversity and complexity of the African continent offer the United States opportunities and challenges.
As African states grow their economies and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance,
America will continue to embrace effective partnerships. Our economic, security, and political
cooperation will be consultative and encompass global, regional, and national priorities including access
to open markets, conflict prevention, global peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and the protection of vital
carbon sinks. The Administration will refocus its priorities on strategic interventions that can promote job
creation and economic growth; combat corruption while strengthening good governance and accountability;
responsibly improve the capacity of African security and rule of law sectors; and work through
diplomatic dialogue to mitigate local and regional tensions before they become crises. We will also
reinforce sustainable stability in key states like Nigeria and Kenya that are essential subregional linchpins.
The United States will work to remain an attractive and influential partner by ensuring that African
priorities such as infrastructure development, improving reliable access to power, and increased trade
and investment remain high on our agenda. South Africa’s inclusion in the G-20 should be followed by a
growing number of emerging African nations who are charting a course toward improved governance
and meaningful development. South Africa’s vibrant democracy, combined with its regional and global
leadership roles, is a critical partner. From peacemaking to climate change to capacity-building, South
Africa brings unique value and perspective to international initiatives. With its strong, diversified, wellmanaged
economy, it often serves as a springboard to the entire African continent, and we will work
to pursue shared interests in Africa’s security, growth, and the development of Africa’s human capital.
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Strengthen Institutions and Mechanisms for Cooperation
Just as U.S. foresight and leadership were essential to forging the architecture for international cooperation
after World War II, we must again lead global efforts to modernize the infrastructure for international
cooperation in the 21st century. Indeed, our ability to advance peace, security, and opportunity will
turn on our ability to strengthen both our national and our multilateral capabilities. To solve problems,
we will pursue modes of cooperation that reflect evolving distributions of power and responsibility.
We need to assist existing institutions to perform effectively. When they come up short, we must seek
meaningful changes and develop alternative mechanisms.
Enhance Cooperation with and Strengthen the United Nations: We are enhancing our coordination
with the U.N. and its agencies. We need a U.N. capable of fulfilling its founding purpose—maintaining
international peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. To this
end, we are paying our bills. We are intensifying efforts with partners on and outside the U.N. Security
Council to ensure timely, robust, and credible Council action to address threats to peace and security. We
favor Security Council reform that enhances the U.N.’s overall performance, credibility, and legitimacy.
Across the broader U.N. system we support reforms that promote effective and efficient leadership and
management of the U.N.’s international civil service, and we are working with U.N. personnel and member
states to strengthen the U.N.’s leadership and operational capacity in peacekeeping, humanitarian
relief, post-disaster recovery, development assistance, and the promotion of human rights. And we are
supporting new U.N. frameworks and capacities for combating transnational threats like proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, infectious disease, drug-trafficking, and counterterrorism.
Pursue Decisions though a Wide Range of Frameworks and Coalitions: We need to spur and harness a
new diversity of instruments, alliances, and institutions in which a division of labor emerges on the basis
of effectiveness, competency, and long-term reliability. This requires enhanced coordination among
the United Nations, regional organizations, international financial institutions, specialized agencies,
and other actors that are better placed or equipped to manage certain threats and challenges. We are
attempting to forge new agreement on common global challenges among the world’s leading and
emerging powers to ensure that multilateral cooperation reflects the sustained commitment of influential
countries. While we are pursuing G-8 initiatives with proven and long-standing partners, have begun
to shift the focus of our economic coordination to the G-20, which is more reflective of today’s diffusion
of power and the need to enlist the efforts of a broader spectrum of countries across Asia to Europe,
Africa to the Middle East, and our neighbors in the Americas. We are also renewing U.S. leadership in
the multilateral development banks and the IMF, and leveraging our engagement and investments in
these institutions to strengthen the global economy, lift people out of poverty, advance food security,
address climate and pandemics, and secure fragile states such as Afghanistan and Haiti.
Invest in Regional Capabilities: Regional organizations can be particularly effective at mobilizing and
legitimating cooperation among countries closest to the problem. Regional organizations—whether
NATO, the Organization for Security Cooperation in Europe, the Organization of the Islamic Conference,
the African Union, Organization of American States, or ASEAN, and the Gulf Cooperation Council—vary
widely in their membership, constitutions, histories, orientation, and operational capabilities. That variety
needs to inform a strategic approach to their evolving roles and relative contributions to global security.
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The United States is encouraging continued innovation and development of enhanced regional capabilities
in the context of an evolving division of labor among local, national, and global institutions that seeks
to leverage relative capacities. Where appropriate, we use training and related programs to strengthen
regional capacities for peacekeeping and conflict management to improve impact and share burdens.
We will also encourage a more comprehensive approach to regional security that brings balanced focus
to issues such as food security, global health, and education; access to more affordable and greener
forms of energy; access to fair and efficient justice; and a concerted effort to promote transparency at
all levels and to fight the corrosive effect of corruption.
Sustain Broad Cooperation on Key Global Challenges
Many of today’s challenges cannot be solved by one nation or even a group of nations. The test of our
international order, therefore, will be its ability to facilitate the broad and effective global cooperation
necessary to meet 21st century challenges. Many of these challenges have been discussed previously,
including violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, and promotion of global prosperity. In addition, other
key challenges requiring broad global cooperation include:
Climate Change: The danger from climate change is real, urgent, and severe. The change wrought by a
warming planet will lead to new conflicts over refugees and resources; new suffering from drought and
famine; catastrophic natural disasters; and the degradation of land across the globe. The United States
will therefore confront climate change based upon clear guidance from the science, and in cooperation
with all nations—for there is no effective solution to climate change that does not depend upon all
nations taking responsibility for their own actions and for the planet we will leave behind.
•• Home: Our effort begins with the steps that we are taking at home. We will stimulate our energy
economy at home, reinvigorate the U.S. domestic nuclear industry, increase our efficiency
standards, invest in renewable energy, and provide the incentives that make clean energy the
profitable kind of energy. This will allow us to make deep cuts in emissions—in the range of 17
percent by 2020 and more than 80 percent by 2050. This will depend in part upon comprehensive
legislation and its effective implementation.
•• Abroad: Regionally, we will build on efforts in Asia, the Americas, and Africa to forge new clean
energy partnerships. Globally, we will seek to implement and build on the Copenhagen Accord,
and ensure a response to climate change that draws upon decisive action by all nations. Our goal
is an effective, international effort in which all major economies commit to ambitious national
action to reduce their emissions, nations meet their commitments in a transparent manner, and
the necessary financing is mobilized so that developing countries can adapt to climate change,
mitigate its impacts, conserve forests, and invest in clean energy technologies. We will pursue
this global cooperation through multiple avenues, with a focus on advancing cooperation
that works. We accept the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective
capabilities, but will insist that any approach draws upon each nation taking responsibility for
its own actions.
Peacekeeping and Armed Conflict: The untold loss of human life, suffering, and property damage that
results from armed conflict necessitates that all responsible nations work to prevent it. No single nation
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can or should shoulder the burden for managing or resolving the world’s armed conflicts. To this end,
we will place renewed emphasis on deterrence and prevention by mobilizing diplomatic action, and
use development and security sector assistance to build the capacity of at-risk nations and reduce
the appeal of violent extremism. But when international forces are needed to respond to threats and
keep the peace, we will work with international partners to ensure they are ready, able, and willing. We
will continue to build support in other countries to contribute to sustaining global peace and stability
operations, through U.N. peacekeeping and regional organizations, such as NATO and the African Union.
We will continue to broaden the pool of troop and police contributors, working to ensure that they are
properly trained and equipped, that their mandates are matched to means, and that their missions are
backed by the political action necessary to build and sustain peace.
In Sudan, which has been marred by violent conflict for decades, the United States remains committed
to working with the international community to support implementation of outstanding elements of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and ensure that the referendum on the future of Southern Sudan
in 2011 happens on time and that its results are respected. In addition, we will continue to engage in the
efforts necessary to support peace and stability after the referendum, and continue to work to secure
peace, dignity, and accountability in Darfur.
•• Prevent Genocide and Mass Atrocities: The United States and all member states of the U.N.
have endorsed the concept of the “Responsibility to Protect.” In so doing, we have recognized
that the primary responsibility for preventing genocide and mass atrocity rests with sovereign
governments, but that this responsibility passes to the broader international community when
sovereign governments themselves commit genocide or mass atrocities, or when they prove
unable or unwilling to take necessary action to prevent or respond to such crimes inside their
borders. The United States is committed to working with our allies, and to strengthening our
own internal capabilities, in order to ensure that the United States and the international community
are proactively engaged in a strategic effort to prevent mass atrocities and genocide.
In the event that prevention fails, the United States will work both multilaterally and bilaterally
to mobilize diplomatic, humanitarian, financial, and—in certain instances—military means to
prevent and respond to genocide and mass atrocities.
•• International Justice: From Nuremberg to Yugoslavia to Liberia, the United States has seen
that the end of impunity and the promotion of justice are not just moral imperatives; they
are stabilizing forces in international affairs. The United States is thus working to strengthen
national justice systems and is maintaining our support for ad hoc international tribunals and
hybrid courts. Those who intentionally target innocent civilians must be held accountable, and
we will continue to support institutions and prosecutions that advance this important interest.
Although the United States is not at present a party to the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court (ICC), and will always protect U.S. personnel, we are engaging with State Parties
to the Rome Statute on issues of concern and are supporting the ICC’s prosecution of those cases
that advance U.S. interests and values, consistent with the requirements of U.S. law.
Pandemics and Infectious Disease: The threat of contagious disease transcends political boundaries, and
the ability to prevent, quickly detect and contain outbreaks with pandemic potential has never been so
III. Advancin g Our Int erests
★ 49 ★
important. An epidemic that begins in a single community can quickly evolve into a multinational health
crisis that causes millions to suffer, as well as spark major disruptions to travel and trade. Addressing these
transnational risks requires advance preparation, extensive collaboration with the global community,
and the development of a resilient population at home.
Recognizing that the health of the world’s population has never been more interdependent, we
are improving our public health and medical capabilities on the front lines, including domestic and
international disease surveillance, situational awareness, rapid and reliable development of medical
countermeasures to respond to public health threats, preparedness education and training, and surge
capacity of the domestic health care system to respond to an influx of patients due to a disaster or
emergency. These capabilities include our ability to work with international partners to mitigate and
contain disease when necessary.
We are enhancing international collaboration and strengthening multilateral institutions in order to
improve global surveillance and early warning capabilities and quickly enact control and containment
measures against the next pandemic threat. We continue to improve our understanding of emerging
diseases and help develop environments that are less conducive to epidemic emergence. We depend
on U.S. overseas laboratories, relationships with host nation governments, and the willingness of states
to share health data with nongovernmental and international organizations. In this regard, we need to
continue to work to overcome the lack of openness and a general reluctance to share health information.
Finally, we seek to mitigate other problem areas, including limited global vaccine production capacity,
and the threat of emergent and reemergent disease in poorly governed states.
Transnational Criminal Threats and Threats to Governance: Transnational criminal threats and illicit
trafficking networks continue to expand dramatically in size, scope, and influence—posing significant
national security challenges for the United States and our partner countries. These threats cross borders
and continents and undermine the stability of nations, subverting government institutions through
corruption and harming citizens worldwide. Transnational criminal organizations have accumulated
unprecedented wealth and power through trafficking and other illicit activities, penetrating legitimate
financial systems and destabilizing commercial markets. They extend their reach by forming alliances
with government officials and some state security services. The crime-terror nexus is a serious concern
as terrorists use criminal networks for logistical support and funding. Increasingly, these networks are
involved in cyber crime, which cost consumers billions of dollars annually, while undermining global
confidence in the international financial system.
Combating transnational criminal and trafficking networks requires a multidimensional strategy that
safeguards citizens, breaks the financial strength of criminal and terrorist networks, disrupts illicit trafficking
networks, defeats transnational criminal organizations, fights government corruption, strengthens
the rule of law, bolsters judicial systems, and improves transparency. While these are major challenges,
the United States will be able to devise and execute a collective strategy with other nations facing the
same threats.
Safeguarding the Global Commons: Across the globe, we must work in concert with allies and partners
to optimize the use of shared sea, air, and space domains. These shared areas, which exist outside exclusive
national jurisdictions, are the connective tissue around our globe upon which all nations’ security
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 50 ★
and prosperity depend. The United States will continue to help safeguard access, promote security,
and ensure the sustainable use of resources in these domains. These efforts require strong multilateral
cooperation, enhanced domain awareness and monitoring, and the strengthening of international
norms and standards.
We must work together to ensure the constant flow of commerce, facilitate safe and secure air travel,
and prevent disruptions to critical communications. We must also safeguard the sea, air, and space
domains from those who would deny access or use them for hostile purposes. This includes keeping
strategic straits and vital sea lanes open, improving the early detection of emerging maritime threats,
denying adversaries hostile use of the air domain, and ensuring the responsible use of space. As one
key effort in the sea domain, for example, we will pursue ratification of the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea.
Many of these goals are equally applicable to cyberspace. While cyberspace relies on the digital infrastructure
of individual countries, such infrastructure is globally connected, and securing it requires global
cooperation. We will push for the recognition of norms of behavior in cyberspace, and otherwise work
with global partners to ensure the protection of the free flow of information and our continued access.
At all times, we will continue to defend our digital networks from intrusion and harmful disruption.
Arctic Interests: The United States is an Arctic Nation with broad and fundamental interests in the Arctic
region, where we seek to meet our national security needs, protect the environment, responsibly
manage resources, account for indigenous communities, support scientific research, and strengthen
international cooperation on a wide range of issues.
★ 51 ★
IV. Conclusion
“It’s easy to forget that, when this war began, we were united, bound together by the
fresh memory of a horrific attack and by the determination to defend our homeland
and the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that
unity again. I believe with every fiber of my being that we, as Americans, can still come
together behind a common purpose, for our values are not simply words written into
parchment. They are a creed that calls us together and that has carried us through the
darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.”
—President Barack Obama, West Point, New York, December 2, 2009
—
This strategy calls for a comprehensive range of national actions, and a broad conception of what constitutes
our national security. Above all, it is about renewing our leadership by calling upon what is best
about America—our innovation and capacity; our openness and moral imagination.
Success will require approaches that can be sustained and achieve results. One of the reasons that this
nation succeeded in the second half of the 20th century was its capacity to pursue policies and build
institutions that endured across multiple Administrations, while also preserving the flexibility to endure
setbacks and to make necessary adjustments. In some instances, the United States has been able to
carry forward this example in the years since the Cold War. But there are also many open questions,
unfinished reforms, and deep divisions—at home and abroad—that constrain our ability to advance
our interests and renew our leadership.
To effectively craft and implement a sustainable, results-oriented national security strategy, there must
be effective cooperation between the branches of government. This Administration believes that we
are strong when we act in line with our laws, as the Constitution itself demands. This Administration is
also committed to active consultation with Congress, and welcomes robust and effective oversight of its
national security policies. We welcome Congress as a full partner in forging durable solutions to tough
challenges, looking beyond the headlines to take a long view of America’s interests. And we encourage
Congress to pursue oversight in line with the reforms that have been enacted through legislation,
particularly in the years since 9/11.
The executive branch must do its part by developing integrated plans and approaches that leverage
the capabilities across its departments and agencies to deal with the issues we confront. Collaboration
across the government—and with our partners at the state, local, and tribal levels of government, in
industry, and abroad—must guide our actions.
This kind of effective cooperation will depend upon broad and bipartisan cooperation. Throughout the
Cold War, even as there were intense disagreements about certain courses of action, there remained a
belief that America’s political leaders shared common goals, even if they differed about how to reach
them. In today’s political environment, due to the actions of both parties that sense of common purpose
is at times lacking in our national security dialogue. This division places the United States at a strategic
nation al securit y st rategy
★ 52 ★
disadvantage. It sets back our ability to deal with difficult challenges and injects a sense of anxiety
and polarization into our politics that can affect our policies and our posture around the world. It must
be replaced by a renewed sense of civility and a commitment to embrace our common purpose as
Americans.
Americans are by nature a confident and optimistic people. We would not have achieved our position of
leadership in the world without the extraordinary strength of our founding documents and the capability
and courage of generations of Americans who gave life to those values—through their service, through
their sacrifices, through their aspirations, and through their pursuit of a more perfect union. We see those
same qualities today, particularly in our young men and women in uniform who have served tour after
tour of duty to defend our nation in harm’s way, and their civilian counterparts.
This responsibility cannot be theirs alone. And there is no question that we, as a nation, can meet our
responsibility as Americans once more. Even in a world of enormous challenges, no threat is bigger than
the American peoples’ capacity to meet it, and no opportunity exceeds our reach. We continue to draw
strength from those founding documents that established the creed that binds us together. We, too,
can demonstrate the capability and courage to pursue a more perfect union and—in doing so—renew
American leadership in the world.

下载地址： http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national_security_strategy.pdf

来源：《华盛顿观察》　2009年第42期 作者:李焰

  “奥巴马政府已经降低了其预期，仅仅要求中国做出‘战略保证’（ strategic reassurance）：其利益不会与华盛顿相对抗。”美国加州大学洛杉矶分校（UCLA）中国研究中心主任包瑞嘉（Richard Baum）对《华盛顿观察》周刊分析说，“但是，由于预期下降，我们几乎不可能在近期看到中美关系出现重要的突破。”

  在阿富汗战略遇阻、医保改革仍然面临参议院的重大挑战时，美国总统奥巴马抽身开始了他上任后的首次亚洲之旅。他将于11月12日飞往日本，之后到访新加坡参加亚太经合组织年会，之后访问中国和韩国。日前，在美国布鲁金斯学会的吹风会上，美国国家安全委员会东亚事务高级主任（Senior Director for East Asian Affairs, National Security Council）杰弗里·贝德（Jeffrey Bader）说，奥巴马此行亚洲的重点在于中国。朝鲜和伊朗的核项目、气候变化、还有世界经济的复苏问题，都将是中美首脑峰会的主要议题，没有中国的积极参与，这些挑战都无法找到解决方案。

  在布什总统的第二任期中，美国希望中国成为‘负责任的利益相关者’，支持后冷战时期有美国主导的大国体系。中国并没有对此表示惊讶，也没有全力投入美国版本的世界新秩序。但是，中国的实力在增长，而美国的地位则开始颤动。

  “华盛顿想借这次奥巴马访华向中国介绍奥巴马这个人，同时，介绍他对于中美关系的看法。这是个让中国人了解奥巴马领导风格的好机会，中国也会借此更多理解奥巴马如何看待中美关系所面临的挑战，”美国布鲁金斯学会（Brookings Institute）中国项目主任李侃如(Kenneth Lieberthal) 对《华盛顿观察》周刊说。

中方期待高，美方更务实

  中方对此次奥巴马访华的期待相当高。外交部副部长何亚非11月6日表示，中国政府对奥巴马总统本月晚些时候的对华访问寄予厚望。他说：“奥巴马总统这次访华是他对中国的首次访问；我们认为，这是‘中美关系上的一件大事’，对新时期中美关系的发展具有重要意义。”

  中国官员称，奥巴马总统的访问将为中美关系开启“历史新起点”。对此，华盛顿或许有类似的期待，但是表达方式似乎更为实际。

  “奥巴马将与中国领导人讨论三方面的全球问题。首先是全球经济和金融危机问题，其次是清洁能源问题，还有全球核武器问题。这是奥巴马访华的三大议题。奥巴马希望中美在这些方面能加强合作，这是塑造未来的中美关系重要因素，”李侃如说。

  在李侃如看来，中国人的文化喜欢用“历史性的新起点”、“里程碑”之类的词汇来形容奥巴马首次访华。而美国人感受到类似的意思，理解中美关系的议程在发生重要变化，只是不会用这样的词汇表达。但同样希望中美未来能在多个领域有效合作。

  包瑞嘉认为，一年前，奥巴马总统就很希望在众多的政治领域取得突破性进展，其中包括外交和国内政策。但党派政治的现实比这位总统乐观预期的要难应付得多。他被迫控制自己的希望，降低自己的预期。在医保、移民改革、阿富汗、朝鲜和伊朗问题上，人们都能看到一些端倪。

  “奥巴马的中国政策也适应了这样的低预期，尽管白宫在努力渲染奥巴马访华的亮色。实际上，奥巴马访华是在巩固布什政府期间建立的对华关系，防止其走下坡路，”包瑞嘉如此诠释奥巴马的访华之旅。

  务实的美国专家们看好奥巴马为中美关系带来的友好未来。但说到具体的会谈结果，他们的主流声音是，人们不会看到这次奥巴马访华会在任何方面带来重要的突破性进展。中美双方会发表一些声明，缓和人们在几个问题上的担忧，向相关国家和地区表达他们对处理某些问题的方法和目标，但是，很难有具体的协议产生。

经济、清洁能源与核武器，奥巴马访华重点盘点

  与中国讨论如何让朝鲜放弃发展核武器的机会是奥巴马此行中国的最大诉求。据贝德透露，奥巴马总统已经给胡锦涛主席打了好几个电话，讨论如何安排二人在北京的会谈议程，其中，朝鲜问题是重中之重。

  “中国已经劝服朝鲜重新回到六方会谈的谈判桌前，这是个重要的成就。朝鲜将从今年春夏显露出的极端状态下走出来，重新参与谈判，”美国卡耐基和平基金会（Carnegie Endowment for International Peace）的中国问题专家史文（Michael Swaine）说，“因此，中国的基本态度是，既然他们已经把中国拉回来，现在就需要美国跟进，重新与朝鲜接触，领导多边谈判，重启六方会谈，最终达到朝鲜半岛无核化的局面。”

  包瑞嘉预测道，胡锦涛主席会重申反对朝鲜发展核武器项目，尽快重启六方会谈等话。但是他不会支持对朝鲜进行经济或军事制裁。他会继续敦促美国与朝鲜进行直接的双边会谈。因此，奥巴马访华不会让朝鲜问题出现什么新的、本质性的发展，更多的是重复已有的立场。

  在朝核问题的解决过程上，仍然有许多难题。朝鲜希望借助回归六方会谈的让步与美国开始直接接触，但是美国还没有准备好这样做，因此，专家们不认为朝核问题会在奥巴马访问亚洲期间发生重要转变。毕竟，美国的朝鲜问题特使博斯沃思之后可能还会造访朝鲜，讨论此事。

  “当然，此次峰会仍有很小的机会确定六方会谈的重启日期――这将是此次会面的‘成果’，让奥巴马比较有面子，”包瑞嘉对《华盛顿观察》周刊说。

  随着气候变化议题在国际舞台升温，它也将成为中美首脑峰会的讨论热点。中国和美国分属发展中和发达国家行列因此在气候变化问题上有不同的立场。奥巴马访华前夕，中国外交部副部长何亚非敦促美国尊重联合国有关气候变化框架公约的原则，以及有关的气候变化国际协议。

  对此，李侃如提醒说：“气候变化和清洁能源是两个议题。两者间有重复之处，但很多人总把这两个问题混在一起。”

  “在这次中美峰会中，我认为双方在会清洁能源方面加强合作，发展出一套创议，挖掘彼此的合作空间。双方很容易通过清洁能源的合作在政治上达成对气候变化问题的共识，但是我不认为双方会在气候变化问题上达成实质性的协议。在之前哥本哈根的会议上，中美也没有达成共识，”李侃如说。

  经贸摩擦也是奥巴马与胡锦涛绕不过的话题。最近，美国对价值近30亿美元的中国生产的油井钢管征收反倾销关税，中国对此表示不满，认为这一做法是美国针对中国的最大的一次贸易行动。中国商务部副部长易小准明确指出，“美方的做法是不公正的。”

  李侃如预测说，“奥巴马访华创造了双方讨论经贸问题的好机会，但是我不期待双方会达成新的经贸协议。”

  “对中美首脑而言，更容易的话题是讨论两国在贸易、能源和环境方面的合作，而相对困难的是，在这些领域谈出一些实质性的进展。双方都不想令对方难过，因此，双方都不可能说出尖锐的反对意见。但是，他们也看到突破性的进展。”包瑞嘉举例说，“比如，在美国未做出承诺时，中国不会愿意单方面遵守一个特定的二氧化碳释放量。说到中美贸易不平衡和人民币汇率争端，中国人也不会坐以待毙，任由美国人欺负，尤其是目前美国经济远不如中国经济发展趋势好的时候。”

中美两军低调走近

  继中共中央军委副主席徐才厚10月访美后，中美军方日益亲近起来。据透露，在奥巴马访华期间，军事关系也在双方的议事日程上。美国军方对其大洋彼岸的同行越来越重视。最近，美国战略司令部指挥官奇尔顿上将称，美军有必要深化与中国军方的对话，从而了解其航天计划的意图。作为回应，胡锦涛主席11月6日重申，中国将和平开发利用空天，不搞军事扩张，同时也呼吁中美军事加强交流。

  “中美军事合作肯定是峰会的重要议题。”李侃如对《华盛顿观察》周刊说，“奥巴马政府希望与解放军进行更深入的交流与合作。徐才厚之前访美时，美国国防部长盖茨表达了这样的意见。”

  然而，李侃如并不认为两军关系是奥巴马访华最重要的话题。但他说，美国会高兴看到胡锦涛提出与美军进行更好的交流与合作。

  对此，包瑞嘉说，加强中美两军关系的步伐正在进行当中，这也是双方都十分关心的问题。中国正在现代化自己的军事部门，双方维持常规的沟通渠道，提高对彼此军事能力和目标的透明度是十分必要的。

  “两军交流方面的任何新收获都有必要安静地进行，避开外界的注意，因为领导人都会有一些国内的政敌，伺机寻找口实进行政治攻击，” 包瑞嘉提醒说。

李焰，《华盛顿观察》2009年第42期，11/12/2009

  华盛顿时间9月17日，美国总统奥巴马宣布，美国放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统的计划。这是一个影响深远的重大决定。实际上，在此之前，美国政府已经透露出了不少美国将会放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统的讯息。今年2月份，美国国会预算办公室的一个小组专门进行了一项对东欧导弹防御系统及其可能的替代方案进行分析的报告，比较了各种不同方案的优缺点。8月份，美国国防部的一位副部长在国会作证时，正式提出美国有可能会放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统。这都是美国可能会放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统的重要信号。如今，奥巴马正式宣布美国放弃在波兰和捷克部署导弹防御系统的计划，这一决定无疑将会产生非常重要的国际影响。

  尽管很多美国人可能不愿意承认，但奥巴马的这一决定无疑是俄罗斯的一个胜利。俄罗斯一直对美国在东欧部署导弹防御系统的计划持强烈的反对态度，如今，事实证明俄罗斯的反对奏效了。当然，奥巴马政府决定放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统，也并不完全是出于美国对俄政策的考虑。布什政府虽然与波兰和捷克达成了在这两个国家部署导弹防御系统的初步协议，但该协议在这两个国家都还没有得到议会的批准，而这两个国家的多种民意调查都表明，两国的多数公民都反对在自己的国家部署美国的导弹防御系统。因此，美国与这两个国家的导弹防御协议能否最终得到这两个国家议会的批准，还存在很大的不确定性。一旦这两个国家的议会否决了自己政府与美国的这项协议，美国在这两个国家部署导弹防御系统的如意算盘也就落空了。这两个国家以后继续推动该协议的表决也仍会存在很大的困难。

  除此之外，根据上述美国国会专门小组的比较研究，美国在波兰和捷克部署导弹防御系统的计划也存在缺点，其主要缺点就是，该导弹防御系统无法为美国的全部欧洲盟国提供防御，包括南意大利在内的部分国家和地区处在该导弹防御系统的防御圈之外。也就是说，该导弹防御系统无法为这些地方提供保护。因此，为了使北约成员国能够平等地得到美国导弹防御系统的保护，未来美国或北约将不得不再为这些地区建设别的导弹防御设施。这种操作非常复杂并且将耗资不菲。

  这些情况，都是奥巴马政府决定取消在东欧部署导弹防御系统的重要原因。

  至于奥巴马政府所声称的美国的研究表明伊朗正在重点发展中短程导弹，因此美国的导弹防御计划也将随之做出调整，其实这条理由非常牵强。因为只要伊朗不放弃发展远程弹道导弹的努力，它迟早会发展出远程弹道导弹，这几乎是可以肯定的。因此，部署针对伊朗远程弹道导弹的防御系统对美国来说仍然是必要的。鉴于建设导弹防御系统需要较长的建设周期（至少需要三至五年），美国实际上仍有必要在伊朗发展出远程导弹之前部署有针对性的导弹防御系统。此外，美国原先还希望自己提前部署好导弹防御系统，会有助于削弱伊朗发展远程导弹的决心。因为导弹防御系统会使伊朗远程导弹的效用被大大降低，那样伊朗再发展那样的导弹似乎就意义不大了。从这种角度考虑，美国也有必要提早部署针对伊朗的导弹防御系统。

  那么，在美国放弃在东欧部署导弹防御系统之后，美国将会提出怎样的替代方案呢？

  根据美国国会专门小组的研究，除了原先的在东欧部署导弹防御系统的计划之外，当前美国还可以有三种其它的可选方案。一种方案是在欧洲多个水域部署永久性的舰船发射平台，利用这些舰只上的宙斯盾系统和标准3拦截导弹，对可能的来袭导弹进行拦截。另一种方案是在美军位于德国和土耳其境内的两个军事基地里部署导弹拦截系统，利用车载的标准3导弹组建导弹防御网络。最后一种方案与第二种方案类似，不同的是部署在这两个美军基地内的拦截系统使用的不是标准3导弹，而是新的动能拦截弹。与在东欧部署导弹防御系统的方案一样，这三种可选方案也各有优缺点。在拦截覆盖范围和建设造价方面各有所区别。

  综合当前的各种信息来看，在取消在东欧部署导弹防御系统的计划之后，美国有可能会采取一种混合替代方案。奥巴马政府声称美国可以用舰船和机动导弹防御系统来替代东欧导弹防御计划，这实际上就是把上面提到的第一种和第二种可选方案综合起来了。水面舰船拦截方案的最大优点是，它可以为整个欧洲提供导弹防御，包括东欧导弹防御系统所不能保护的南欧。但它的最大缺点是造价太高，是全部四种方案中花费最高的。而在美军的欧洲基地内部署导弹防御系统的优点则是它便于操作，基本不需要与所在国签署额外的协议，因此也无需所在国议会的批准，另外，与宙斯盾系统一样，美国的地面中程拦截能力也已经比较成熟了，因此这种导弹防御系统可靠性比较强。而新的动能弹拦截系统之所以没有被采用，主要是因为美国的这种能力目前正处在研发过程中，离进行实战还有相当长的距离。而在美国2009年的国防预算中，美国政府已经大大削减了对动能拦截弹的投资。奥巴马政府明确提出，要把有限的国防资源主要用于能应对当前威胁的项目。而与此同时，在美国新的国防预算中，对装备有宙斯盾系统的军舰的投入将会继续加大，美国计划在未来几年内大大增加装备有宙斯盾系统的军舰的数量。

  从这些情况来看，在取消在东欧部署导弹防御系统之后，美国将会把舰船拦截平台和车载拦截平台综合起来，在欧洲部署新的导弹防御系统。这是一个值得注意的新动向。

  最后需要强调的一点是，虽然美国取消了在东欧部署导弹防御系统的计划，但美国在欧洲部署导弹防御系统却是一个难以逆转的趋势，可以说，美国在欧洲部署起导弹防御系统只是一个时间早晚的问题。美国计划在欧洲部署导弹防御系统，实际上并不仅仅是为了保护美国在欧洲的军事基地和美国的欧洲盟国，美国部署在这里的导弹防御系统，实际上能为美国本土提供一层额外的保护。目前美国部署在阿拉斯加和范登堡空军基地的两个导弹防御系统，除了能够拦截来自朝鲜的远程导弹外，实际上也能够对来自伊朗的洲际弹道导弹进行拦截。但美国在欧洲再部署起一个导弹防御系统，就能够对来自伊朗的针对美国本土的导弹再提供一层保护。一旦伊朗向美国本土发射了洲际导弹，美国在欧洲的导弹防御系统会首先进行拦截，一旦拦截失败，设在范登堡空军基地和阿拉斯加的导弹防御系统可以再次进行拦截，这无疑为美国本土提供了双保险。这也正是美国之所以会对在欧洲部署导弹防御系统非常积极的一个重要原因。

  总之，虽然美国取消在东欧部署导弹防御系统表面上看来是俄罗斯取得了一个胜利，但这实际上并不会削弱美国的安全。美国作为一个一向精明的大国，也是不大可能会出卖自己的安全去与其它国家达成妥协的。这是一个人们不能忽视的现实。

                                                                                                                                                         2009年9月23日

                                                  （原创文章。转载需注明作者与出处。）

下面转载两篇相关的文章，以供参考。文章来源为；中国日报网环球在线。

中国日报网环球在线消息：聚焦全球时事、解读中国外交。欢迎收看第十期《外交讲坛》，本期节目带您聚焦俄美领导人峰会。中国前驻俄罗斯大使李凤林，新华社高级记者、前驻联合国分社社长钱文荣作客中国日报网站演播室为你解读“重启”中的美俄关系。以下为视频要点。

中国日报网：我们知道，美国前总统小布什在任期间，力推在捷克和波兰部署导弹防御系统。奥巴马上台的时候表示会重新考虑在欧洲部署导弹防御系统。我们也关注到近期有外媒报道奥巴马个人给梅德韦杰夫写信说：“愿意以限制或者是取消在欧洲部署导弹防御系统作为筹码，换取俄罗斯在伊朗核问题上同美国进行合作。”。接下来我又注意到7月6日奥巴马在接受《新报》采访的时候，他还是主张在欧洲部署导弹防御系统。奥巴马在反导问题上与布什政府采取的政策是不是一样？

李凤林：关于美国要在中欧、东欧部署反导系统的问题，确实是美俄关系中的重要问题，俄罗斯对此反应是非常强烈的。这次俄美两国领导人在会谈的时候，根据目前看到的材料，没有达成具体的协议，只是签了一个声明。据俄罗斯媒体的报道，说这个声明实际是在奥巴马同梅德韦杰夫会谈的过程中临时提出来是不是要签一个关于反导问题的声明，内容很短，只有三句话。

这个问题奥巴马在记者招待会上已经讲了，他的意思是关于在东欧布置反导体系的问题，这个反导体系是涉及到另一个威胁，不是俄美现在谈的削减战略进攻性武器的问题。因为这个反导体系是对着伊朗的。奥巴马在访问的第二天在俄罗斯经济学院讲话的时候又表达了这个思想，这个反导体系是针对伊朗的，问题的解决也同伊朗的核武器问题有关。我的看法是这次双方没有就这个问题达成完全一致的意见，但至少可以看出来美国人实际上已经暂缓了反导系统的部署。所以我感觉美国人可能现在还在考虑到底怎么办，是进还是退，同俄罗斯达成什么样的妥协，我觉得这个问题还需要进一步观察。

中国日报网：奥巴马说我们努力创建导弹防御系统，是为了避免伊朗的袭击，而不是为了提防俄罗斯，还是说明在导弹防御系统上它对俄罗斯还是有一些妥协的。

钱文荣：他们的声明实际上没有提到东欧部署的问题，主要讲到在共同防御弹道导弹扩散方面进行双方合作，要建立一个坚持全球导弹计划发展情况的中心。它受两个因素影响，首先美国国内的新保守主义势力，或者说美国的一股对俄罗斯反对情绪强烈的一拨人是坚决反对取消在欧洲部署导弹防御系统。其次，欧盟国家认为有必要在东欧部署反导系统。这是在去年8月份之后开会提出来的，这两个因素就造成一个问题，使得奥巴马考虑事后还是有必要。所以他不可能这次答应就取消（在东欧部署反导系统）了。

中国日报网：部署导弹防御系统涉及到双方的利益，是双方不可逾越的鸿沟，针对奥巴马对俄罗斯部署导弹防御系统的表态，俄罗斯会做怎样的回应呢？

李凤林：俄罗斯人也注意到了美国方面实际上是暂缓部署。下一步俄美两家在整个的核裁军谈判里，同时也包括在解决阿富汗的问题上，俄美两家怎么去协作，或者说怎么样的讨价还价，这需要一个过程。因为俄罗斯要作的反应早已经宣布了，如果美国在东欧部署反导系统，俄罗斯也会部署导弹系统，这些虽然都已经说出去了，但实际上还都没有做。我的感觉是美国人需要总体上综合平衡到底采取什么样的政策来发展与俄罗斯的关系。

钱文荣：不能光看奥巴马一个人，从美国整体的政策来讲要取消不是很容易的。不仅有国内的因素，还有国际的因素。国际因素就是欧盟一些国家态度的变化。原来欧盟也不赞成在东欧部署，现在从格鲁吉亚事情以后他们的态度有所改变。

俄罗斯方面，最近他们针对奥巴马的讲话有一个态度就是，只要在俄罗斯边界上部署反导系统就是对俄罗斯国家安全的威胁。从这点上可以看出，俄罗斯在这个问题上的立场是相当坚定的，至于将来会不会有进一步的妥协那还要继续观察。

中国日报网环球在线消息：据英国媒体7月10日报道，俄罗斯总统梅德韦杰夫当天对美国提出警告，如果俄美不能就美国部署导弹防御系统的问题达成一致，那么俄罗斯将在波兰附近加里宁格勒飞地部署导弹。

10日，在意大利举行的八国集团峰会上，梅德韦杰夫对于美国的导弹防御系统表达了俄罗斯一贯的强硬立场，认为该系统是“有害的”，“对俄罗斯而言是威胁”。

梅德韦杰夫说：“如果我们（俄美）无法就此事达成一致，你们知道后果是什么。我在国情咨文中说的话仍然有效。”

去年11月5日梅德韦杰夫在联邦会议作了就任以来第一次国情咨文报告，其中提到俄将在加里宁格勒州部署“伊斯坎德尔”导弹,以应对美国在东欧地区部署的反导系统。

这与6日至8日奥巴马首访俄罗斯期间，俄美双方的友好交流形成鲜明对比。当时，梅德韦杰夫的言辞明显要柔和许多，梅德韦杰夫说：“没有人说导弹防御系统本身是‘有害的’，或者对于任何方面造成威胁”。

奥巴马对俄罗斯的3天访问，俄美达成新协议将核弹头限在1500至1675枚。当时，奥巴马赞扬梅德韦杰夫是个“直率的、专业的”领导人。(环球在线：杨洁)

附：2008年11月美国导弹防御局局长解释俄罗斯反对美国东欧导弹防御系统的原因：

    美国总统奥巴马与俄罗斯总统梅德韦杰夫7月6日的首次峰会引起了全球的广泛关注。在这次访俄期间，奥巴马呼吁美俄两国超越冷战以来互不信任的状态，构建真正的全球伙伴关系。实际上，在小布什任美国总统时，小布什也多次说过类似的话。然而话是说了，美俄两国却始终没能超越互不信任的状态，两国关系在小布什第二任期内也是每况愈下。那么，在奥巴马时期，美俄能够建立起真正的伙伴关系吗？

  现在可以预见的是，在某些问题上，比如在北约东扩和格鲁吉亚的南奥赛梯等问题上，短期内美俄两国仍然很难达成妥协，美国对俄罗斯根深蒂固的不信任也是很难彻底消除的。但是奥巴马对俄罗斯的看法与小布什有明显不同。其中一个最大的区别就是，奥巴马已经认识到，要想解决当前的一些重大问题，美国不得不与俄罗斯合作。换句话说，奥巴马已经认识到并决定承认俄罗斯的重要性。他的对俄政策也将以此为出发点。这与小布什是不同的。小布什也知道俄罗斯的重要性，但是在承认这一点上他比较犹豫，同时他也受到了其它很多国内因素的困扰，使得他无法真正改善美俄关系。

  奥巴马很可能会在相当大程度上使得美俄关系得到改善，这应该是没有什么问题的。至于两国关系能改善到什么程度，我们不妨拭目以待。

  值得注意的是，奥巴马在东欧导弹防御问题上的最新表态透露出了不少新的信息，值得密切关注。

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以下是相关新闻来源：

奥巴马发表演讲 呼吁美俄构建真正伙伴关系

来源：新华网

    中国网7月7日讯 正在俄罗斯访问的美国总统奥巴马7日发表演讲时呼吁，美俄两国超越冷战以来互不信任的状态，构建真正的全球伙伴关系。奥巴马上台以来一直致力于重启陷入困境的美俄关系。

    奥巴马总统在对莫斯科新经济学院毕业生发表书面演讲时说：“美国希望看到一个强大、和平、繁荣的俄罗斯。在攸关21世纪命运的重大问题上，美俄两国有共同利益，这构成了合作的基础。”

    奥巴马呼吁俄罗斯同美国一道防止核武器扩散，阻止朝鲜和伊朗发展核武器。他表示如果防止核武器扩散努力成功的话，美国就不需要在欧洲部署反导系统。俄罗斯对美国在欧洲部署反导系统强烈反对，这也成为两国关系发展的巨大障碍。美国一直以伊朗核计划为由为在欧洲部署反导系统辩解。奥巴马在演讲中说，“如果伊朗核计划和弹道导弹所带来的威胁被彻底消除的话，那么在欧洲部署反导系统的理由也就不复存在。”在朝鲜和伊朗核问题，奥巴还表示俄罗斯必须与国际社会继续合作，防止伊朗和朝鲜获得核武。对于乌克兰和格鲁吉亚问题，奥巴马要求俄罗斯必须尊重他国主权。

    奥巴马阐述了对未来世界的看法：“未来并不属于那些在战场上聚集兵力或在地下隐藏导弹的国家。未来属于接受良好教育、富于想像力、创造力的年轻人。”但他还表示，21世纪国家的成功取决于法治下的经济成就。“世界各地的人应该有权无需行贿就能经商或接受教育。”奥巴马很明显是对俄罗斯的腐败现象进行影射，不过连梅德韦杰夫总统都指出腐败对俄罗斯社会造成了很大的伤害。

    奥巴马访俄在两国削减战略核武器方面达成共识。奥巴马和梅德韦杰夫在会谈中签署了削减核武器框架的宣言文本，从而为两国新的削减战略武器条约出台定下了具体框架。旧的条约将于今年年底到期。美俄双方同意将核弹头削减为1500-1675枚。同时，双方还承诺在新条约中将远程导弹数量削减至500到1100枚之间。美国国务院今年4月公布的一份报告显示，截至今年1月1日，美俄分别有5576枚和3909枚核弹头。此外，奥巴马与梅德韦杰夫会谈的成果还包括，俄罗斯同意美国借道领土和领空，向阿富汗运送物资。

    有专家对奥巴马访俄能够重启两国关系表示怀疑。英国皇家三军联合防务与安全研究所跨大西洋研究项目负责人丽莎·阿伦森博士日前在接受专访时说，美国总统奥巴马即将对俄罗斯的访问很难“重启”两国关系。阿伦森认为，对于“重启”这个词，美俄解读不同，美国觉得俄罗斯应为“重启”关系负责，而俄罗斯则认为这是美国的事情。她认为，奥巴马的对俄政策与布什政府相比“换汤不换药”，“两者并不会有多大区别，在一些布什政府采取强硬立场的问题上，奥巴马的态度也不会软化”。阿伦森说，双方在导弹防御问题、北约东扩以及伊朗核问题等核心问题上“分歧巨大”，她对两国在这些问题上达成一致并不乐观。(周翔)

                  奥巴马演说中的Main Street宜翻译为“主体街”            

                 作者：力镔若水

  2008年11月4日，奥巴马在美国大选中获胜，当晚向12万5千名支持者发表了胜选演说。他在演说中有一句话的英文是：Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.

  奥巴马在这里提到了Wall Street 和 Main Street两个概念。Wall Street的直接含义是指位于纽约金融区的一条名叫“华尔街”的街道，泛指包括金融、投资银行在内的美国的巨型企业，也指美国富有人的阶层及他们的生活。Main Street的直接含义是指小城镇的主街，人们在那里购物，喝咖啡聊天，参加一些庆典活动，泛指小企业，小作坊和贫民百姓，也指平民阶层及他们的生活。

  Main Street一语的由来及内涵演变

  Main Street一语首先出自美国小说家、美国第一位诺贝尔文学奖获得者辛克莱·刘易斯发表于1920年的同名小说，中文翻译为《大街》。  小说以第一次世界大战前后美国一个小镇为背景，以辛辣的笔触对美国社会现实进行嘲笑和讽刺，当时获得了巨大的成功。Main Street因而往往是指持守传统价值观的小城镇。

  在美国，Main Street 是小城镇商业和社交活动的街道通用名称，是人们采购物品和社交活动的集中地。在一些较大的城市，可能有几条Main Street，每一条都是针对城市下属的一个区而言。比如说，纽约市的法拉盛区，就有一条Main Street. 在美国各地的小城镇，Main Street不仅是贯穿该城镇的主要街道，也是居民购物、社交、观看年度游行的场所。

  Main Street一词在20世纪中进入美国的政治舞台，当时的共和党用Wall Street来描述自由派，以Main Street来代指保守派。2004年总统竞选时，有一位民主党总统约翰·爱德华兹（John Edwards）以平民主义的思想提出他的竞选纲领，主要提出了Wall Street 和 Main Street的两元经济论。这也是他在2008年再度竞选时的主要理念。所以自2004年开始，Wall Street 和 Main Street的含义基本就定位在：Wall Street指包括金融、投资在内的美国的巨型企业和富人的阶层，即表征富有阶层的利益或是少数富人的利益，Main Street是指小企业，小作坊和平民阶层，即表征平民阶层的利益，或社会主要群体的利益。

  现在Main Street已经成为每天都可见的政治术语。比如搜索Google新闻可以得到62,094条目，搜索yahoo新闻38,591条目。

  如何翻译 Main Street

  搞清楚了Main Street的由来和演变，就可以讨论如何翻译这个术语。在美国的华人社区，Main Street一般译为“缅因街”。在翻译奥巴马讲话时，新东方翻译把Main Street翻译为“商业街”，中国新闻网和华尔街日报把它翻译为“金融以外的领域”，联合日报把它翻译为“寻常百姓”。我们来一一讨论各种译法的优劣点。

  Main Street可以翻译为“缅因街”吗？

  “缅因街”是Main Street的音译，除了旅居海外的华人，一般的中国人可能根本不知道这词是什么意思，所以不足取。

  Main Street可以翻译为“商业街”吗？

  商业街在中文中指各种商店相对比较集中、商业贸易活动开展较频繁的街道。在各种大小城市中，商业街往往都是最热闹的地方。比如说北京的王府井，上海的南京路往往是我们能够想象到的商业街。另外，在纽约市，华尔街尽管不是最热闹的商业街，却是财富最集中的商业街。所以从内涵来说，商业街包括了华尔街。华尔街隶属于商业街的范畴。它们之间不是一种相对关系。所以商业街无法更好的表达Main Street的内涵，即小企业和平民阶层。

  Main Street可以译为“金融以外的领域”吗？

  Wall Street 和 Main Street的政治含义只是代表了两个阶层，不是非此即彼的关系，没有“不是华尔街就是Main Street”的意思。有人也提出了Poor Street的概念，即“穷人街”，所以翻译为“金融以外的领域”有两个问题，其一是把Main Street的内涵给扩大了，不仅仅限于“是指小企业，小作坊和平民阶层”，其二是把华尔街给缩小为“金融领域”，不再泛指包括金融、投资在内的美国的巨型企业和富人的阶层。所以中国新闻网和华尔街日报把Main Street译为“金融以外的领域”，不是很贴近与原意。

  Main Street可以不译为“街”吗？

  联合报干脆把Main Street译为“寻常百姓”。这里又归结到Main Street的内涵，指小企业，小作坊和平民阶层。“寻常百姓”等同于“平民阶层”。却把“小企业或小作坊”丢了，所以从内涵上说，Main Street的范畴大于“寻常百姓。”

  所以用“街”来翻译仍是有好处，既包括了街上商家也包括了逛街的人，也就是很好地把小企业和平民概括在一起。

  Main Street 可译为“步行街”，“市井街”，“平民街”吗？

  博主也想到过步行街，市井街和平民街的译法。先说一说步行街。这几年随着经济的发展，中国有不少地方出现了步行街，也成了购物，娱乐和社交的主要街道。所以步行街或许是一个好的选择。可是华尔街恰恰是纽约的一条步行街。从内涵上说步行街也包括了华尔街。步行街的翻译不足取。

  再看一看，市井街或市井小街，如果是Main Street的含义停留在辛克莱·刘易斯小说是的含义，翻译为市井街也是很好的选择，市井有贬义的意思，往往让我们想到，市井气（俗气），市井小人（城市中庸俗鄙陋之人）。但是现在Main Street泛指为平民，所以“市井街”或“市井小街”的翻译也不足取了。

  “平民街”应该是一个好的选择，但是如果Main Street翻译为“平民街”的话，Wall Street应该翻译为“富翁街”。从汉语修辞来看，华尔街是表征财富或富翁的一个词，我们也需要找一个表征平民的词，而不是直接用“平民”一词。要不然译文中就失去了修辞文采。

  Main Street其实是指社会的主要群体，可以译为“主体街”

  博主也曾经用“布衣街”来翻译Main Street。布衣在中文中的意思是“麻布衣服”和“平民百姓”。古时老百姓只能穿麻布衣服，所以布衣现在更多的用于“平民百姓”的意思。所以“布衣街”应该是更好的概括了Main Street的含义，即“小企业，小作坊和平民阶层。”同时仔细揣摩这一术语，其核心在于Main，即主要的、主体的的意思。Main Street即是指社会的主要群体生活的地方。根据其词意和内涵，Main Street可以直译为“主体街”，即社会的主要群体从事活动的地方。把Main Street译为“主体街”，奥巴马的那句话就可以翻译为：

  请记住，如果说这场金融危机给了我们什么教训，那就是当主体街患难时，华尔街不可能繁荣.

  比如华盛顿邮报2008年11月24日有一篇文章叫做Obama’s ‘Main Street’ Focus （http://voices.washingtonpost.com/thefix/2008/11/obamas_main_street_focus.html?nav=rss_blog），其中有一段是："We cannot have a thriving Wall Street without a thriving Main Street," Obama said early on; later, he added: "A strong Main Street will help maintain a strong Wall Street."

  我们可译为：“没有兴旺的主体街，就不可能有兴旺的华尔街，”他在早些时候指出，后来他又说，“富强的主体街将有助于维持富强的华尔街。”

(日志原文：http://yanglibin08.blog.sohu.com/105965392.html)

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  北雪轩点评：

  今天在网上查 Main Street 的意思时，搜到了这篇文章，觉得他写得不错，就贴到这里与大家一起欣赏。

  对于Main Street一词，表面上看似乎是很简单的一个词，即使是望文生义，似乎也能猜个差不多。但其实它要比这复杂得多。通过上面这篇文章我们就能知道，这个词是有着确切的历史来源的，它诞生之初是含有明确的价值判断色彩的，而并不是一个简单的对某种街道的描述。至于后来，它更是由于几位美国总统候选人对这一词语的特定用法，而具有了一些新的含义。

  不过，对于上文作者对于奥巴马演讲中出现的这个词的翻译方法，我并不完全认同。我觉得将其翻译成“主体街”太刻板，不容易使普通人了解这个词的确切含义。我觉得，上文提到的中国新闻网和华尔街日报把这个词翻译为“金融以外的领域”，我认为这种翻译方法其实是比较得当的。因为在当前的美国经济危机中，最突出的矛盾就是以华尔街为代表的美国金融界与美国商业和生产界的矛盾，美国政府起先投入大量金钱去挽救金融界的危机，已经激起了后者的强烈不满。因此奥巴马在这次演讲中才强调，不能再忽视金融界以外的领域而去花大力气拯救金融界，因为那样是不会成功的。

  因此，在这里，把Main Street 进行意译，将其翻译成“金融以外的领域”，我觉得是合适的。